
aass_L45B 
Book .Qc ^^ 



THE UNION, 

,-■•5 

PAST AND FUTURE: 

HOW IT WORKS, anii:how to save it. 



THE UNION, 



PAST AID FUTURE: 



HOW IT WORKS, 



AND 



T37/ 



HOW TO SAVE IT 



BY A CITIZEN OF \^IlGINIA. 



'There is surely no greater wisdom than well to time the bpgiT.nings and onseU of things. Dangers are no more light, 
if they once seefti lijilit, and more dangers have deceived men than forced them. Nay, it were better to moot some dan • 
pers half waj-Xliou^-h they come iiotliing near, than to keep too Wng a Watch upon their approaches, for if a man 
watch too loiflg, it is odds he will fall a-leep. — Bacon^ 



W A S H I N (^. T O \ : 

'^ R I N T K n U Y J N O . T . T O \V I'. R S . 
1850. 



r>^^':: 




THE UNION, 

PAST AND FUTUIIE 

HOW IT WORKS, AND HOW TO SAVi: IT. 



The time has come when it behooves every Southern man to consider the hesl means of pre- 
"serving tho Union whicli he lircs, and the ri'^'hU« and honor wliich arc vet dcaier. Sixty years 
have passed since the Northern and Sou' hern States entered into a tn-ufy for "the common de- 
fence and general welfare." We joined that lea.:iie as equals: its strictly defined powers were to 
be exercised for the equal pood of all the parties, and its Iwnefils and burdens wore to he equally 
shared. But our a'lics at the North have grown strong under the fostering protection of this 
great treaty, and are no longer content with the cjual conditions upon which it was fornietl. 
They have perverted it from its original character, not only wielding the granted power.-s for soc- 
tiohal and oppiejs.-^ivc purposes, but assuming every doubtful power for their exclusive advantage. 
In thi.s spirit, they hive ailvjnced far in a series of measures, which, if unresisted, must end in 
the overthrow of ourslave institutions. But it cannot lie doubted that a free people, still untamed 
by the yoke of oppression and thi; stamp of inferiority, will resist such assaults. The South has 
at stake, not merely the fnutteen hundre-i million-; of dollars, the value of her slave property, biK 
all of honor and of happiness that civilization and society can give. 'J'o count the means of re- 
sistance, the relative strength of the opponents, the value of what we must hazard, and the surest 
ways of preserving the Union in its original e<prility, is the object of this Essay. 

The history of the causes of the present crisis is the history of ever-growing demands on the 
part of the .North, and of as constant concessions from the South. A hasty glance at the pa.«t 
will aid lis to divine the future. 

Virginia owned an immense territory to the northwest of the Ohio river, acquired by the same 
titles with the soil of the Old Dominion itself — t!je Dyal grants, her treasure, and her blootl. More 
than one of her ancient colonial charters covered this whole domain, and in 1778, at her own 
expense, she fitted ont an expedition (or its conquest. Her gallant son, Geori^e Rogers Clarke, at 
the head of a small but during band, penetrated hundreds of miles throu^rh a savage and ho-stik. 
country, expelled the Engli^'h, subdued the Indians, and conquered for his mother State an em- 
pire larger than the Ausfri.m. For the sake of tin- Union, Viri^inia gave up this line eountrv, 
larger than all the Southern States of the Old Tl irtccn, and by "an act of grosser futuity," a.s 
Randolph said, "than ever poor old Leir or the Knight ef La Mancha was guilty of," she suf 
fered her own citizens to be exciiiiled from its benefit ; for it was then a slaveholding territory, 
and the ordinance of 1787, abolishing slavery t'lete, was pas,sed chiefly by Northern votes, and 
that, a.i ^fr. \fadison said, " without the shadow of constitutional authority." It was a country 
well suited for slavery, for even so late as 180(5 we find a convention of the inhai>itants of Indi- 
ana petitioning for its temporary introduction, ami a committee of the House of Repre.sontaltveM 
reportini; throuijh their chairman, Mr. (Jarnett of Virginia, in favor of their prayer. But while 
Virginia was guilty of this suicidil generosity, she annexed one condition for her own atlvantugr, 
that not more than five ?<tates should l>e formed out of this territory. S) as to preserve a due ba- 
lance of political power in the Union- Yet even this condition tho North ha-* violated, and 
22,336 s<|uaro miles nf its area, more than the avenge size of all the free States ra.st of the Ohio, ■ 
have eone to constitute the future State of Minnesota. 

This was the first step, and the nett was at the formation of the present (Constitution, when ii 
contest arose as to the ratio of representation. Should the South have as many rep resen tali ves 
in proportion to her population as the North ' It was just and right that she should. The Friic- 
ral Government had no eoneern with the relations between blacks and whitiv, the difVerrnt clasurs 
of her population. It had no right to inquire wh' thei the ni'ijro was a slave or free. The slaven 
were a better [lopulation than the free ne-rroes, and if the latter were to be counted .»t tlnir full 
numl>or in th'^ appoTtionmrtit of represent.ition, s.> ought the t'ormer. The riij'it cou'd not |ve 
refused, Iwcausc the slaves were naturally «i lewdly une(|U,il to the white*, for so are the free ne- 
groes. It could not be refused U'cause they have no (loliticnl ri'.;hl,'«, for neither have fre« negroes, 
paupers, women, or children. They are an e.svcntial part of the population; if abwnt their 



places must be filled bj other laborers, ar.d if they are property as well as population, it i* 
an additional reason f«T giving their owners the security of fall representation for thfm. But 
the S->uth. as usual, >itlded to Northern eior: itance, and agreed hat five slaves should count 
on I V a? three feee negroes. Therefore^ insteaJ of 105 Representatives in Coasre:^?, we have 
only 91 

Hut the free folates are not content with this, and now propose to take away twenty- one more of 
onr Represeotot ves. They say that the risrht of representation for three-fifths of our slave popu- 
latioD is a suincient reason ftT refusing admission into the Union to any new slave Slate: and 
Massachuf«Us has proposed, bv a solemn lp£i6lative resoIutioD, to amend the Constitution so as 
to deprive us of this guarantiei representation. Public meetings and eminent men have approved 
of her propo^ 

In return for this surrender of her rights, the ^*oath inserted into the Constitution two stipu- 
lations in her own favor. The first provided that direct tAxes should l>e apportioned ainongst the 
States in the ratio of their rerre*;ijtaton. .According to this provision, we ought now to |.ay a 
bttle n-ore thar. one-third of the taxes; we artutlly pay under the present system over three- 
fourths. The amount levied from ciisloms ance the f tundation of the Govrmmenl has beeB 
about 1047 millions of dollars; and bad these duties i>een paid in the ratio which the Constitu- 
tion inriicates as jus: and proper, the South would have paid 442, and the Xo.nh 60-i. Bui, as 
we shall see hereafter^ the slave Sutes have reaily paid 7^8 millions, and the free Suies oi ly 249. 
Therefore, the South has gained nothing by thif stipulation in return for her loss of reprcsenUtion. 
The other stimulation in (avor of the South was, that " no person held to eervice or labor in 
or ' ' -.hereof, escaping into another, shall, ia cons+tjuence of any law or rcgu- 

1^ _-ed from such service or labor, bjt shall be delivered up on claim of the 

p^;,> - - 'abor n?ay be due.'' This provision re.-ts for its due fuitilment, not 

mei^lr • .ment, but, like a treaty slipulati-an between distin:t nsdons, must 

be earn ^;jcipal regulation softhe partits, arjd their c<Mnity and good feehng. 

Yet what has it t>een wonh to the South' So far from eiecuUng ths clause, and " delivering 
up" the runawav slaves, the free Stales refuse to pass any efficient law to that end in Confrese, 
and soch is their stale of feding. and such their domestic laws, ihat any federal Uw, even if en- 
acted, -couid not be executed. In their own Goveinmer.ts, they make it a criminal offence, pon- 
ishai'le It fine and impris.:>nment, for any officer, and in some Siat'-s far any citizen, to assist in 
seizing or "delivering up"* a fii^itive sl<Te- Their whiles and their free negroes assemlJe in 
mobs t* rescue the slav* • . • ' i^ • i ,-acHigh to capture him, and then accusing 

him o{ the riot thcT m a felon's jail and load him with fetters, as 

Pp-. -, , . . . ,^ .^ \; 'X ;>>nd. When Truuiman, ofKen- 

. he was surrounJed by a mob, 
ike law u-fii in his fat rr, yet 
I nt must ana sDouiii superseue ii, ' and a resoiuticn was tumnltuously adopted that 

-.uckians shaij not remove from tlisjrface these slaves by moral, physical, or Itgi-i 
fjrce."' A magiitrait fined Troutman $100 fr the tre'pji- in anemptii^ to arrest his slaves ; 
and he was recognised to appear at the next ' irooit Court for dr win? a pistol on a negro who 
was fjicin'' the door of bi> room! But this was qiild treatment of the la- 

mented Kennedy, of Hagers-.own. When be folowed his slav. inii, and 

was peaceal'Iv, and with his own consei/. - . ' m whiles and 

tree bb'-k;. id iled by the Profeasor of ;, J him! It is 

^ . .. :...•.». I- ' ^^„~ -v,--. ir.^ ^. . . .J not less than 

^. loss to the South at 

.; . t-ue amouiiL The 

M the .North does not extena to volamary irce negro ec. _ the S...uth, but 

J. the runaway slaves, whom it car. force \t r.-^r id ■;^-rk •.ly low wages. 

&o mucii fjr the »alue of the secon : stipuh " ».j/U:d as an equiv*- 

l*Tit for their l»s of Tcpre«>eT!tati<>n. After th. . t}»ere was a conaid- 

era'-'le 'ii--!-<r .:. Nc'nL'' • ■ 7" ..tie wrc ^\J^ a >."* '.>-•- '-i-e Slates, 

4.'--:r y ■'■ ^ ^^ \' ' c;t;7*na were deeply and openly the ^l<ve 

:■ • l-'a^y. ; V ■ - ■ - ' -;re- 

-f the li.. not 



Lnder i:je p- • \o me douto, her slave* 

^/^ ia 1790, to . weie viituaily free. Her 

<-:en'^n ill at the tAs^ ■na/t- la .7 jj, Mit South had as many votea in 

ihfc ^iia'.e, - ^e Hou«. In 1817, the North had a majority of two in the 

former body, ai-i ;.iti.l>-_>i. ~ "Ae bt',er. I: tss accorJirigly on the application of .Missouri in 



1819-'20 for aJmifsion into the Union, thr»t the prptcnsion wa<( first set up that nn nrwslavp State 
should rntiT the Coiifcdfrai-v. A cinuso jirnhihitinu: slavery wnsinscrti'd into the lijll for tlie ad- 
mission of Missouri, when it liocamc apparent that her people wouir) rejirt such a Inll, if pui4.->cfl, 
and with a eovernment rei^ularly orsranized acfordiii'j; to all the eonstitutional preeedentu, would 
remnin without the I'nion ns a separate, in(lc[ipndcnt Stnti', unless the Fedi-rnl authority under- 
took to sulxlue her,, and eon^uUed the country by a civil war In this slate of the ijuevtion, the 
5?outh had only to remain firm, and the North would he forced tfi yield ; hut, as usual, the South 
was weak enough to retreat from her ground, and in h>T love for the Union che suhmittcJ to a 
provision forever prohihitintj slavery in all that part of the Territory of Louisiana (except Mis- 
souri itself) which lies north of 3r>° :10', the so-itficrn hniindan/ of ^'ir2;i^ia and Kentucky. The 
South thus Inst, without aiiv cciuiv;dent, nine tenths of what was already a slave territory, pur- 
cha.sed by the common treasure She retained only 1 10,000 square miles for the emigration of 
her own citizens, and surrendered 90.'), 000 to the North. 

Yet even this so called comf)romi.se, forced upon us by Northern votes, is now spumed by the 
free >"tatcs They ha^^e derived all the possible benefit from it on thi* side of the RiK"ky motm- 
tains, and they refuse us the poor advantage, which it would secare, of 204,383 sqdare niilc«out 
of Sfi7,5ll on the other side ! 

From this time, the Northern ascendancy w:is confirmed, if not in the i)resent, yet in the future 
distribution of political power, whieh would result from her overwhelm iijjj sujMjriority in territory. 
The abolition societies sprung up with new vi^ir, and the h^ills of t'ongress were mide the field 
of incendiary aritation. Fanaticism, both in ;ind out of C<m2re<»s. denied that stave* were pro- 
perty, and in the de!>ate on the Marir^ny D'Auterive case, claims for compensation for their loss 
in the public service were opposed on this t^round. The whole country was pervaded by "a 
politico niitrious fanaticism," which, in the language of Randolph of Roanoke, "'hiis insinuated 
itself wherever it can to the disturbance of tlie public peace, the loosening of the keystone of the 
(Constitution, and the undermining of the foiuvlation on which the arch of our Union rcst-s." 
Demagogues of either party Vid for the votes of these fanatics by assaults upon Southern rights, 
and the anti-slavery fielins, thus stimulated, has spread through the masses, and grown too strong 
to be controlled. Hear again the prophetic wisdom of the Virginia orator, uttered twenty -five 
years since, on this very subject : " Men cornMience with the control i>f things — they jiut events in 
motiim, but after a very little while events hurry tht m away, and they are borne along with a 
swift fatality tb.at no human sagacity or power can foresee or control." S.> has it been with this 
anti-slavery movement Its leaders then assured us that no harm was intended, and our rightis 
would never be invaded. Mr Burges, of Kh'vie Island, one of the mo^t disiin,;uished Northern 
men of his day, said, after an elaliorate arguini'tit to show the f-'outh how little she had to fear, 
'♦ From neither of these classes, therefore, have Southern men anything to a[iprehend, or to pio- 
duce excit.ineiit. The enthusiasts will not disturb them, for they have not the power to do it. The 
philanthropists will not do it, for fhfi/ u-ill nut, fur any xnppo-ed <riiiid, vii'lilf ev" the /rual r.'gliis 
of o/hfrs. From the politicians they have nothing to apprehend, beeaufse they will not only not 
break the laws of their country for any purpose whatever, or Utter the condition of any man 
against his own will, but because th« y will not diminish the politicjil weii^bt and infiuence of 
them-elves ,md their own Suites for anv ]iur|iiise of aufrmcntini; that of otlier men or other States." 
[.Mr. 13. atVecied to believe that the pros|M'rity and consecpieut political power of u .lUve Stale 
would always be inferior to ttiat i>f a free State ] "No, Ik* ye assurt\l throughout all the regioni, 
the philanthropist will never unjustli/ ril'icv Ih'' flaw front ihr niii.iti r ; th^ pnliticnn will ntprr 
illririillif relln-e the nutstrjr from thf- .yldv." — (Con^. l>eb. vol. iv. 10".»6.) Mr. RobbinH, Mr. 
Briggs, and other eminent men, held similar langua^je. Mr ITdmes, of Maine, a Senator, went 
so far a.s to declare that the refusal to deliver ii|i fugitive slaves was virtual ennneipation, and to 
suppose such a refusal on the part of Pennsylv inia a."* an fxtremtcn'f, to illustr.tte hi«i ar;.'uni«nt ! 
This Lost was as late as 183 J. What an advaiieo since then ! Yet the»«' aiwurancis wire about 
as true as those now matle, that sl.ivery shall not be touehe<l within the Siaten — that the town 
shall not be eiiti-red when all the walls arc ciptured. The South, however, eoiit'uled in thcui, 
and remained quiet : and j)re>iunung on tliistlc war was waged with ever-growiin; zeal. In vaut 
did Kanilolph crj- to the South, " prinrij)'.'. ol-tit" — in vain did hii' nhull Caiwnndrm tone* point 
out the nature of the attack, that tlie enemy \v;m proceedinif, "not to nlorin the fort, but to aip;** 
that we ou'^ht to reineml)er the s«mtiineut, •' ri" ' ri .tfr/ narpr rarihn'h." and "p'rinit no att-u-k to 
pa.ss, no matter in how demure and apjiarcnllv trivial an a.spect it m »y l<o preaenled." The South 
would heed no warning. When the tloo<l of i!>olition jHtitiotm U'gon first to |»ur in on Tongrraa, 
they were received and referred to approjiri-ite i-ommittr-e*, ns the meintx>Tn priwenluiu them mii;bt 
move, and duly reporli'd on. This course onlv eneourageil the movement, until f ~ xat 

last rou.sed into a refuxal to receive petition)) so in*ullinK. •nd which prayeil lor>ucb ;.in» 

of her constitutional ri.'his. But it w.us s.iul t'l it this n-fii!<al niTtrded .i prrtdt d • .ta- 

tion, and that nil would be quiet if the old jl ui wan restored. The H.Mt«r of 1 ea, 

therclbre, rejH-aled the Aile against the reception of luch jM'tiiion-^, and what hxi ' it 



There can be but one answer — an ever-growing agitation, for fanaticism and unlawful violence 
feed and wax strong upon concession. 

Meantime organized societies at the North were forging coisnty seals and free papers to aid the 
slaves whom they seduced to escape, and inciting mobs to murder the owners who dared to recap- 
ture them. They distributed pajiers through the mails and by their agents, and sjjarcd no eflbrt 
to kindle an insurrection among our slaves. Thoy dared not have attempted such outrages upon 
Cuba or Brazil. Between separate nations they would be cau.se of war, and the offenders would 
have leen treated as felons, if arrested. The oirence was too notorious to be denied, and Gov. Marcy, 
in his message to the New York Legislature, in 1836, acknowledged it to be one of " the sacred 
obligations which the States owe to each other, as members of the Federal Union," " to punish 
residents within their limits, guilty of acts therein "nhich are ca'culated and intended to excite 
insurrection and rebellion in a sister State." Yet so callous has the South grown to her wrongs 
by use, or so far have later injuries surpa^^scd it, that she ceases to remember this flagrant and still 
subsisting violation of the sj)irit and intent of our Union I 

It is now proposed to exclude the South from the Territory of California and New Mexico, 
446, 658 square miles, large enough to make more than eleven States equal to Ohio. The South 
paid her share, and, as we shall see, far more than her full share, of the expense of the Mexican 
war. 01 the gallant vohmteers who fought its battles, she furnished 45,040, and the North 
23,084— but little more than half as many. The South sent one man out of every twenty-six of 
military age — the North only one out of every 124. How those battles were Ibught and won, 
of which section the generals were na'ives, whose regiments taltered, and who.-e left two of their 
men stretched upon the bloody field, while the third planted the stars and stripes upon the Mexi- 
can battlements, the South will leave to History to say. And now it is proposed to exclude the 
survivors and thdr fellow-citizens from the equal enjoyment of the conquests of tlia war ! And 
why? — because, as the Vermont resolutions declare, " i>/uveri/ it a crime against hunumUy .'" 

The North next proposes to abolish sLavery in the District of Columbia, and so make a hajrbor 
for runaways, and a centre of abolition agitation in the very hcait of Virginia and Maryland. 
This is to be done in defiance alike of good faith and of constitutional obligation; and why ? 
because, as the Gott resolution, passed by the House of Representatives, declares, '■'slavery is 
iiifaniou.s /'' 

The Northern vote in Conpress on these questions is almost unanimous, without distinction of 
parties, against the South. The exceptions are daily fewer, swept away by the overpowering 
tide of fana'ical public sentiment at the North. The Slate Legislatures are equally agreed. They 
have all, and the majority more than once, adopted resolutions of the most offensive character. 
The next threat is to abolish slavery in the dock yard^-, forts, and arsenals, for there Congress has 
the same jurisdiction and responsibility as in the District. It is asserted that slavery cannot exist, 
without a special law to establish it, in tlie new Territories, because property in negroes is, as 
they pretend, a creation of municipal regulation alone, and therefore ceases beyond the limits of 
the State which authorizes it. Not only docs this argument fail in its major propo.sition, for there 
is no law establishing slavery in any >tate where it exists, but it fails also in its apjilication, for 
the limits and authority of each slave State do extend to the new territory held by the common 
Federal agent. But, if true, by parity of reasoning, slavery cannot exist on the high seas, and 
so say our abolitionists. Therefore, the slaves who leave Richmond on a voyage to New Orleans 
are fiee as soon as the vessel leaves the shore. The prohibition of what they cail the slave trade on 
the high seas, and then on the Mississippi, whose waters th-.y pretend are common jiropcrty, and 
then between the States, will quiikly follow each other. What would be left the South in such 
a condition' With asylums for runaways and stations for abolition agents in every State, the 
mail converted into a colporteur of incendiary tract-s, forbid to carry ourslaves from Slate to State, 
unable to emigrate to new and more fertile lands, ami thus renovate our fortunes and give our 
sons a new theatre for their energies, without .sacrificing all our habits, associations, and property; 
and yet with all this, bound to pay taxes and fight battles for conquests, we are to have xio share 
in and for a Government known to us only by its tyranny, how miserable would be our 
thraldom! ("an any Southern man bear the idea of sucU degradation' He ndght endure the 
loss of hif rich ccmquests in California, but can he bear to be excluded, because his institutions 
are infamous^ because he is branded with inferiority, and under the ban of the civilized world ^ 
If he can, then is he worthy of all, and more than all, that is threatened him. 

But abolition will not stop, even when slavery is thus hemmed in, '• localised and discour- 
aged," as Senator <'hasi; proposes. Anti-slavery sentiment is to be made the indispensable con- 
j dition of appointment to Federal office ; and by thus bribing Southern men to treachery, the war 
' is to be carried on to the last fell deed of all— the abolition of slavery within the States — for, to 
quote Randolph once more, "Fanaticism, political or religious, has no stopping place, short of 
Heaven, or— of Hell !" 

'i"he slave States have but 30 votes in the Senate, and two of these (Delaware) ran hardly be 
counted upon in their defence. Nor ia it possible to increase her slrength^y new slave States. Rufus 



King long since avovied that the object of the North was political power, anil she will never per- 
mit Florida or Texas to be divided. A serious claim is already set up to all Texa<i, west of the 
Nueces, as new territory, acquired by treaty from Mexico, to which the Wilinot proviso may 
and should be applied. The only territoiy south of the Missouri compromise line, and cast of 
the Rocky Mountains, is the district of 58,310 square miles, ceded forever to llie Indians; on the 
other hand the North has west of the I\Iississippi and east of the Kocky Mountains, exclusive of 

the Indian territory 723,248 square miles. 

Add the part of the old Northwest Territory added to Minesota in vio- 
lation of the Viri;inia deed of cession. . 22,336 " " 

All of Oregon 341,463 " •' 

In ail of undisputed territory 1,087,017 " " 

or enough to make 28 such States as Ohio, or 2 1 larger than Iowa. This addition alone to the 
strength of the North would give her nearly the three fourths required to amend the Constitution 
and abolish slavery at her pleasure, if we can suppose that she would take the trouble to enact 
an amendment to do that which Mr. Adams declared could be done, in certain cases, under half a 
dozen clauses in the Constitution as it now stands. But when we cousider that, in ca.'<e of our 

submission to the Wilmof proviso, the North will have all California 44S,691 square miles. 

New Mexico, east of the Rio Grande 124,933 " " 

Texas, between the Nueces and the Rio Grande -52,018 *' " 

In all 625,642* " •• 

more than all the present free States, equal to 21 States of their average size, or 16 such Stales as 
Ohio, or 12 larger than Iowa, in addition to all we before computed, her preponderance becomes 
truly enormous. Fifteen slave States to 64 free States — not to mention the chances for several more 
in Canada ! C-an any one suppose that such a union could subsist as a union of equals ■' 

In (his alarming situation, the South has no hope but in her own lirnmess. She wi.ohes to 
preserve the Union as it was, and she must tlicrcfore insist upon suflicient guaranties for the ob- 
servance of her rights and her future political equality, or she must dissolve a Union which t\o 
longer possesses its original character. When this alternative is placed before the North, she will 
determine according to the value she places upon the Federal league, and we may anticipate her 
choice if we can count what it has been worth to her, and how large a moral and material trea- 
sure she must surrender, if .she persists in pushing her aggressions to its overthrow. 

We shall not dwell upon the revolutionary struggle, though it might easily be shown that the 
South bore more than her proportional sh;irc, both in its expenses and its battles. The white 
male population over 16 years of age in 179U was about the same in Penn.-^ylvania and Virginia; 
the former being 1 10,71^8, and the latter 1 10,934; yet according to General Knox's olficial esti- 
mate, presented to the 1st Congress, Virginia furnished 56,721 soldiers to the Revolution, and 
Pensyhania only 34,965. New Hampshire had a military population 513 larger than South 
Carolina; yet she contributed only 14,90H snlJiers to South <-aroliiia's 31,131 — not half! The 
latter quota in fact is nearly equal to Pennsylvania's, who had triple the military pojmlation, and 
twice the whole population, free and slave. It exceeded New York';! 29,S3(), though New York 
had much more than double the military [mi ulatjon, and 40 per cent, more of total jwpulation. 
Connecticut and Massachusetts did more than any of the free States in that great war; yet we 
find that while South Carolina sent to its annics 37 out of every 42 citizens capable of bearing 
arms, Massachusetts sent but 32, Connecticut 30, and New Hampshire not 18 ' and it nujst Ik' 
remembered that, as General Knox says, " in some years of the greatest exertions of the Southern 
States, there are no returns whatever of their militia," while at the North every man wan cntereil 
on the rolls, as the pension list too plainly shuws; that while the war assumed a regular characl»T 
there, it was here brought home toevery fire si, ie, and there was scarcely a man whodid not shoul- 
der his musket, even though not regularly in the field. The slave States not only fought their own 
battles, nearly unaided, but sent numerous troops to the defence of the Nortli; and when wo 
consider that the free States had the |)rotectiiiii of almost the whole regular army, and the U-nelii 
of its larce disbur'-onients, while the Smith was left to be .'^coured by the enemy, anil llial the 
almost utter ruin of the incomes and private f,irtunes of her citizensi f.ir excelled any amount of 
taxation ever levied, we cannot doubt that her suflerinijs in the great cause witc far heavier than 
those of the North. But wo will not pause to consider any inequality of Revolulioinuy bunlens; 
if the South bore more than her share, it was voluntary — a tVee-will otTering on the altar of Inde- 
pendence. We will pass at once to consider the action of the Federal (iovcrnnient, anJil«Taluo 
to the North when the South was no longer her own mistress. 



*Tliese iiiiiiiImtj ;irc taken from llii' otlioial re|>ort to li.e Brgato in l'^4T-M. 

jMr . JpfTi-ivon snyii, that tolinrro sold iliirinj llic >v.ir for 5 or f) i'lillingt a hgnJre I. anil >ti I not i>«t t)»» •••<"MJ'y 
«X)>c(ues ol" cultivation. Currcsjwndeitce, II. I'J. 



8 

It has often been remarked, that our Union is capable of a peaceful extension over a wider do- 
minion tlian any other form of c;ovcrnnicnt that the vvoikl has yet seen. This is due to the happy 
development of the Federal [)rinciple in our Constitution — tlic work, not so niu<h of the wit of 
man, as of Divinely ordained circumstances. If we keep strictly within its limitations, the cen- 
tral power is confined to general legislation upon matters of common interest, and is so organized 
tliat it cannot be abused for purposes of sectional advantage, as long as the States are one in 
character and feeling. But no human institutions are safe from the sclfishnes-s of those who ad- 
minister them, and were it possible for the Union to be divided into two sections of unequal power, 
with broad and growing opposition of character and social organization, it would be impossible to 
prevent the stronger section from plundering the weaker. This has happened in other States, be- 
tween the (liflTerent classes of society, and the design of every good constitution has been so to 
balance their powers as to make government the result of a compromise between their interests. 
But even if one clixss succeeds in cstablisliing a permanent mastery over the other, the baneful 
efiects of its plundering are alleviated by the e.\penditure of it.'? fruits in the midst of the plun- 
dered. This is not the case where a federal government i? perverted from its original equality; the 
tribute drawn from Ihc weaker section eiiriclies the stronger, and the larger the confederary, and 
the more distant the tax-consumers from the taxpayers, me greater is the injury to tlic latter. 
Such has been th- lelation of Ireland to England under the combined effects of taxation and ab- 
senteeism, and we all know her lamentable condition. Our Union was secured from these dan- 
gers, at its beginning, by the homogeneous character of the people. The dilTercnces of character 
in the descendents of the Pilgrims ami the Cavaliers only combined to make a more j)erfect 
whole. A common ancestry and language were endeared by common associations of literature 
and of history. All brought with them, as the very frame work of their societies, the same noble 
old common \a\\, and all restored its ancient Saxon spirit by clearing away its feudal encumbran- 
ces. The institution of negro slavery was foreign ti) none; the meddling spirit f)f a spurious 
philanthrophy bad not yet dared to attick what it did not understand Taxation would naturally 
fall more ecpially, as there was comparatively little dilfereiice in the interests of the people of the 
several States. American cotton, which has worked, and is working, such a revolution in the 
commerce of the world, was cultivated oidy as a curiosity. It was supposed that direct taxes 
would be the chief source of revenue, and the Constitution secured an equality in their imposi- 
tion; but it was soon found that customs duties, so much more convenient in many respects, 
would be sufficient in time of peace. 

There wa.s, neverthclcs.s, even in those days, one striking difTercnce in the interests of the sec- 
tions; the navigating interest was almost as exclusively Northern, as tobacco and rice were 
Southern. Heaven had favored the South with a more fertile soil and a more genial climate, and 
it was the duty of Government to protect her in the uninterrupted enjoyment of all the advanta- 
ges which her industry could derive from the Divine bounty. The larger profits ot rice and to- 
bacco planting withheld her people from less lucrative navigating enterprise, and they found an 
immense benefit in the cheap rates at which foreign vessels iransported their productions lo all 
the markets of the world; it was, in effect, so much added to their price. In the North, on the 
contrary, the profits of navigation were etjual to the average returns of other employments, and 
this explains the fact .stated by Pithin, that in New England in 1770, 6-8ths of the tonnage was 
owned by natives; in New York and Pcnnsyhania, :V8ths, while in each of the old plantation 
States, Maryland, Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, the proportion of domestic tonnage was 
only 1 8th. The first eflbrt of the North was, therefore, to levy heavy duties on foreign tonnage, 
and thus to raise freights, so as to repair the injustice of Providence, and lower Southern profits 
by increasing Northern. We have been recently told by good authority, (Mr. (^lincjman, in 
his speech on the 22d Jan.,) that Northern ship owners charge as mucli for freight between New 
York and New Orleans, as between New York and Canton, and that "the whole amount of 
freight on Southern production, received by the Noilhern ship owners, ha.s, on a minute calcula- 
tion, been set down at !f40, 180,72S."* However this may be, the loss must have been very 
heavy, if wc may judge from the warm ojiposiiion of the Southern members in the 1st (.'ongress. 
The discriminating duties on tonnage were, however, voted through by Northern votes and com- 
bined with the pai)er and funding system, and some other measures, all carried by th« same party, 
to change the whole course of our trade. .Xn annual payment of some six millions of dollars on 
account of the public debt, and the ordinary expenditures of Government, were nearly all at the 
North, and created a strong current of exchange in that direction. The Southern planter was 
forced to send bis [iroduce to a Northern port, and thence export it, and after bringing the return 
c^rgo there to re-ship it home, for it was actually cheaper to pay the double freights and charges of 
such an operation, than to continue the direct trade — dnee so beneficial — under its new burdens. 
A few fij;ures will give a jusler idea of this revolution in commerce. 

In the ton years just before the revolutionary troubles, 1760-'9, the Southern colonies, with a 
population of 1,200,000, exported produce to the value of ;f 12,297,70.'; ; while the exports of 



* See the articli- in the Di>m. Rev., by Ke'.'.u!!, of N. Y., on "tlic Staliilily of tlie Union." 



all New England, New York, and Pennsylvania, with n p<ipulalion of 1,300,000, wrrr only 
$9,35(>,0:ji, less than a fourth. Forty yrars later, lsi2l-'nu, when the now «yxtem nf Ic^^inlotion 
had hail time to work, the aitual exports of the winie Southern States were hut litllr more than 
half those of the same North.m States, that is '222 millioiiH of dollars to 427. Yet. mc.inlime, 
the culture of cotton had Uccn introduced extensively, ami the exports of that article .-ilone, m the 
same period, amounted tt) over 256 millions of dollars, chitlly the pr<xluce (at that time) of Caro- 
lina and lieorgia, to say nothin^jof 7S millions of tohacco and rice, the i^owth of thi- va me . State*, 
wilh Virginia and .Maryland — so completely was trade divcrtid from iu natural chiriiiels ' In 
1761) -'9 t'aroliiia and (leorgia exported twict> as much in value as all N|«w England, New York, 
and Pennsylvania In l82l-';)0, they were exceeded l>y New York alone. In the former |>erio<l, 
Virginia and .Maryland exported five times as much as .New Englanil, eight limes as much a« 
New York, and over thirteen and a half m much as times Pennsylvania. But in the latter |>eri<>«l the 
scales were turned hy the weight of Northern power, and while Virginia and Maryl nid ex|>orled 
92 millions, New England exported 136, and .New York 2l'\ more than double. The rt'eistcrwl 
tonnage of South Carolina from I7!)l to is:n mtually diminished 60 percent., and Virginia's 78 
per cent., while New York's doubled and Massachusetts's treplid.* The North has thus olitaineJ 
the us.' of an immense amount of Southern ea|iitai, and all iU profit.-', causing an e<jual losn to 
the ^outh. When we arc considering the value of the Union, it m.iy t)e as well to calculate what 
it has been worth in money to the North in its influence on our trade. We shall thus learn a 
part of what it m.iy cost her to induL'e, what is either an unworthy jealnusy of our power and 
natural advantages, or a ]irofitless and fanatical abstraction about negro slavery. Plain common 
sen.'* and llgures are a mighty stumbling block to your fine talkers abnut liU-rty and human righta, 
and our Northern allies will feel the peculiar litiicss of such a test as dollars and cents. Weojn- 
fess, iK-forehand, that the estimate we shall present is mu-h too low, for it is impovsiblc to tike 
into account all the runiilied pecuniary advant.u'cs of the Union to the North and we hav«i inten- 
tionally put everytiiing at the lowest mark, so a.s to reach results which wo confulontly believe to 
be certain. 

Every l>ody knows that all the exports of rice and of unmanufactured tobacco and cotton are the 
protlucc of Southern labor. As to the balance of the exports of domestic pro<lucc, we shall a«»uinc 
that the South contributes a share in [iroportioii to her popirlation. It is imiiossil'le to sive the 
grounds rtf this assumption within our narrow limits, but a careful examinnlion of the otTicial 
statements, from the e.irliest times, has con-iiiced us that it d<x»s not do the ."^oiith full justice. 
Her naval stores, her breadstutfs, the material she furnishes for the exiKirtCil manufictures, kc, 
amount to more than the share we have assigncJ her of the other di)mestic exp<>rts, lH?sidc« rice, 
raw cotton, and leaf tobacco. We shall see, in the soijuel, additional confirmation of this belief. 
But we adhere to our rule of using the lowest figures. 

In thi' eleven years from 1790 to 1800 inclusive, j the exports of raw cotton, rice, and leaf tolmcco, 
amounted to ninety six millions, (we use round numU-rs,) out of three hundred and eleven 
millions of dollars. Of the balance, the S,i\ith produced one hundred and four inil'ions, 
the North 111. 'i'hereforc the exports of S.)uthcrn produce were in all 200 millions, and of 
Northern I 1 1 miUioiis. The imports were boujlit witli these exports — were, in fact, their price, 
and, as such, belongeil to and ought to be duiile.l amongst the producersof the ex|M)rts in the ratio 
of their exportation. This gives 397 millions ..f dollars as the returns for Southern i>ro«luce, and 
218 for Northern. The whole produce of S.iuihern laiior in the foreign tra.h', l>oth the exports 
and the imports paid in exchange, amountetl to .>97 millions, whilst Northern latnK yi«'l le«l 329. 
But during ihe same i)eriod the actual exi^irts of domestic prixluce and imports in rrtnrn fMm 
Southern ports were only 114 millions of dollars in value, and from Northern |>ori '-.1^1 

512 inilliniis. The North, therefore, had the u« and command of I S2 and a hali lie 

|)roductions of Southern labor du nig this pcrn'l, and the .South lost the u-e of an ■ '• i 

in other words, the North gained the use and the South lost lheu>eofa little more. i ;••, 

than HJ.J millions of .Southern capital every y<Mr from I7'.t0to 1800. Instead of r. lo 

hands of the Southern planters, merchants, ^llll owners, or agents, ini|iortrrs, »b -*, 

an<l retail (h-alers, buililing up Southern citiis, and giving life and employmrnt (.■ of 

Southern [wople, this lf>J millions of dollars worth of the pr.xluce of their lab»ir wa» ti«ii»Jerml 
by the action oftho Government to the North ; and its annual use, without rhanr* '^f "•{""^''•nl, 
was given as a bounty to Northern labor to buiM up Northern wmlth. But even lb ill, 

for we have inken no account of the exjiorts o| foreign pr>>ihice. Yet the foo-ujii ■ x- 

ported were first bought either witli domestic prisluce, or the credit foui." •'• 

'i'hey wer<' the legitimate ap|H>ndago of the trade in domestic produce, i 'f't 

as an index i>f what the credit and command of lb it trade was worth — a^jn" "•■■■ ■ ■'*'> 

greater liuring the European wars iJmn it has Uen since in tune of |>race, Thr»* ciports QUfbt, 

•Sec the ublo of colonial irsilr, itnil of lh« lt»J»of ilir u-<«f«l »Uln »isc» IT»V, m lUmiH'* «•««•••. *^'- 
tSce tabli-* A I . '.'. .1. 4, at Uio end. 



10 



therefore, lo be div'ideil, like the imports, amongst the producers of domestic exports in the ratio of 
their proJuction. The whole legitimate Southern traile would thus be swelled to 713 millions of 
dollars, and the Northern to 404; while tlie ac/ua/ foreign trade was 466 and 6ol millions re- 
Gpectively, making the gain to the North and the corresponding losa to the South of the use of a 
Southern capital avcrn-^ing over 22niil!inns of dollars a year. 

If we apply the s;une principles of calculation to the next ten years, from 1801 to ISIO inclusive, 
we find that the North had the use of 43 millions, or, counting the exports of foreign produce, of 
53 millions a year of Southern capital, while the South, of course, lost the use of that amount of 
the produce other yearly labor. 

From IBll to 1820, the war with England diminished the whole commerce of the country, 
especially the exports of foreign merchandise. During this period, the Noith had the use of 52 
millions a year of the produce of Southern labor, or, deducting the foreign goods exported, of 45 
millions. The South lost the use of the same amount. 

In the decennial period, 1821-'30, this «ain to the North and loss to the South amounted to 
63 millions of dollars annually, or, if we add the exports of foreign produce, to 79 millions. In 
the next period, 1831-'40, the profit and loss amounts to the enormous sum of 93 millions per 
annum on the exports of domestic prddui ts and return imports, and 106 millions on the whole 
foreign commerce. Thus the South lost the use of the fourth part of the whole annual products 
of her industry, as estimated by Prof Tucker, from the census of 1810 ; and the North had all 
that could he made by trading on this enormous share of the fruits of Southern slave labor. The 
value to the North of this trade, which properly belongs to the South, is still increasing, for 
in 1848 we find that the free States had the use of 120 millions of dollars worth of the proiluce of 
Southern labor' for foreign commerce, or of 133 millions, if we add the exports of foreign mer- 
chandise. The slave States lost the use of this great capital, and the North gained it without 
paving any sort of equivalent in return. 

To estimate the value of the Union to the North, in this regard, more palpably and justly, let 
us sec what it has been worth to every family of six persons, in each decennial period, counting 
the population at an average between the census at the beginning and that at the end of each period. 
We place the results in a table : 



Counting the exports of domestic produce only, and 
the imports paid in return, every northern family 
gained the gratuitous use, annually, of the pro- 
fits of southern labor lo the value of 

And to furnish this, every southern family was 
forced to part with the use, aimualiy, of the pro- 
duce of its own industry to the value of 

Or, adding the exports of foreign goods, each 
northern family took from the South the use of. 

And each plaveholding family had to give up to the 
North the use of its propi^rty to the amount of. . 



d 




. 








o 


o 


o 


d 




^ 




ot 


00 






o 










00 


OT 


o 


,_« 


<?» 


eo 


"* 


C^ 


00 


00 


00 






^ 






f-H •— < 


S43.98 


79.87 


61.23 


62.08 


66.01 


56.46 


45.36 


84.34 


68.36 


72.99 


84.77 


•80.76 


57.84 


98.58 


70.46 


77.69 


75.91 


63.00 


58.68 


104.09 


80.15 


91.34 


96.50i 90.18 



We are struck at the first view of these results with the much larger amount that the Southern 
family loses than the Northern gains. This may be due in part to the ditVerence of population; 
but it also corresponds to the general law, that the plunderer never gains as much as the plan- 
dered loses. What is most alarming is the steady and recently the rapid increase in the relative 
benefit and damage to the people of the two .sections. We fiod that every Southern family lost 
in the first period 4 per cent, more than the Northern family gained, by the monopoly of South- 
em trade; in the srcond period, 6.8 per cent, more; in tlie third, 1 I per cent.; in the fourth, 17.5 
per cent.; in the fifth, 19.3 per cent.; and I'milly, in 1848, as much as 43 per cent. more. This 
increase lias obviously kept pace with the growth of the Northern political power from census to 
census. 

W hile the free St;ites has been such larjje gainers by the earnings of the slaveholders, diverted 
from the hands of the natural owners by tiu- fiscal action of the Federal Government upon foreign 
commerce, they have profited in no smaller ])roportion in the adjustment ot" taxation. We can- 
not calculate the whole burden of indirect tuxes, but wo tan reach results which are certainly 
under the relative amount really paid by the South. When duties are paid upon imports, tluy 
are indisputably paid by somebotly — either by the consumer of the goods imported, or by the ex- 
porter of the domestic produce, with which those goods are jjurcha.sed, and to whom they, in fact, 
belong, or partly by both. There can be no fourth supposition. When the planter, either di- 
rectly or throuLih the agency of merchant.s and factors, exports his tobacco, his cotton, rice, or 
brcadstulfs, he receives payment in foreign goods, which he must bring back as imports; and 



11 



wlicn he passes the cu.stom house at home, ho has to p«jr a part of thcB* rrtumi for dulic*. Tliiu 
far the tax fulls entinly upon him; and if we stop hero in onr rcawiriing, it in plain that 
the duties arc paid by the dilVereiit acction.s in the exact mtio of the export.-i of ihrir prolure; 
for it dors not matter that the produrer may sell lus tnhacco, rotton, Ac, t> »<>me n)fr- 
chant at liomc, who at'ter\vard.>* is the actual exporU'f. 'J'hc price which that merchant cnn 
give plainly depends on what he ran sell for a^ain; and that (le|)end8 upon the rahie of the 
iniport.s he lias to take in payment, ofier deductini; all expense* and duties which must there- 
fore come out of the planter at la.st, just as if he exporicd and imported directly. .N'or c.in 
the producer escape the duties hv takins; in return for his e>:]>o;t^ money which he ilrx-s t:iii want, 
instead of tlie poods which he needs; for it would l>e asking; an impoKsihility to dern;iiiij iiotlung 
hut specie in {)ayment, when the exports of cotton ulone arc considerahly more than the whole 
annual jiroducc of gold and silver in the world. Hut the (juestion here i.<, not what the pr<)>luccr 
could do, but what he (I'tuully did. The records show, that he was really paid for hi.s export* in 
foreign snoods, and that duties have l>een |>aid upon these to nn amount over a billion of dollars; 
and this enormous sum the producer must have paid when he had to surrender a j)art of the value 
of his import.- to Government as he entered tin m. There is but one way in which he could 
have escaped, and that is, by selling the part left for as much as the whole was worth K'fore, and, 
by thus raising the price, throw the Xwhole tax upon the consumer. But, in this case, the South 
must have paid a still greater share of the duties than U'lore; for not only is she a much larger 
consumer of foreign merchandise than the North, but if the price of the miport***! article is raised, 
so must be the price of the similar article of domestic manufacture. .And the South would |jay 
three or four limes as much in this shape to tiic northern manut'acturer, as she would to Govern- 
ment in the form of dunes. It is true that the increased ))riee of domestic g-vnls would also be 
paid by the northern consumer, but with this iai|>ortant dilference, that what was paid would bo 
spent amongst themselves, and so, in a manner, returned to their pockets, as the factories are scat- 
tered through their country, while, to the ^outli, it would lie a dead loss. This view of the effect 
of duties has l>eon pres.s<'d by the advocates ol fr.-e trade, and rejected by their opjwnents, and as 
we wish to proceed ujxin undisputed principles, we shall ailopt the other horn of the dilemma, 
and assume that the duties are paid by the producers, and the s»'veml sections, in the ratio of their 
produce exported. 'I'his course is also more asreeable to our <leterminalion to calculate s.>uihem 
burdens and northern profits at the lowest possible figures, for there can In-nojloubt that the other 
view of the incidence of duties would at least triple the sum paid by the South. .\\ the same 
time it is proper to say, that in our Ixdief the duties are paid partly by the pnxlucer ami p.irtly by 
the consumer; that, so far as tho latter pays tht m, he pays three or four times as much more in 
the increa.sed price of similar goods of ilomestic manufacture, and so far as the former pays them, 
he loses more, often vastly more, in the value of all that part of his pro<luce sold at home, 
which must lie lowered to the exact level of the value of what is sold abroad. Henrr, the 
mere nominal amount ot duties ])aid to the Federal (Jovernment is the least part of the real bur- 
den on tlie South, whether we consider her as a producer of the exfnirts, or a consumer of the 
return imports. But we shall, nev» rthelcss, (oiifino oiirs<'lves to the very mo<lernte principle of 
calculation we set out with, so as to say nothini; that is not alvsolutely cert.iin. 

The whole amt)unt of duties collecto<l from ilie year 1701, toJune3i). \H\h, aAer dedurtini; the 
drawba.ks on forei^'ii merehandi7e exported, w.i- $9-i7.0.'in,0<t7.« Of this sum tho *l.-»veholdini; 
SUtcs paid %1 1 1,200,0011, and the free States only !fJl.'i,S.'iO,(i«)7. Hail the mime am. Mint N^rn 
paid by the two sections in the constitutional ratio of their feilend jMipulotion, the South wouUl 
have paid only 4394,707,917, and the North f '):<2,34--», 180. 'I'heretore, the slaveholdinij Sutre 
paid Ji3iri,4^<2,0S3 more than their just share, and the free Sintes a« much le*« Thry were 
Frki: indeed! — not only of slavis, but of taxi-sl By carrying our calculation down l.» 1*19, 
the sum of :)ir) millions is rai.se«l to :130 o«ld millions In the follow. ng table we may mv at a 
glance how this taxation fell on the respective population of tho North and South in each dccrn- 
nial period: 

Tuhlt of the taxes annually paid in dutiu ta the Federal Cirirninrnl by afamiljf of^ prrmnt. 



In each year from 


1790-I80(. 

$13.96 
6.7ft 


1801- l« 


I811-8U 1831-30 


l83l-4«» 

16.44 
3.57 

13.87 


l«4l-» 


1846-9 


In the Slave StaU s 

In the P'ree stales. . . .... 


|rt.78 
s 14 

10.64 


19.44 1 30.83 
6.33 ' 4.38 


18.31 

t 50 

1 


U.fiS 
9.84 






Difference 


6.81 


13.33 1 16. M 


I0.71t 


10 80 



•S«» ub:« X 



12 

In the first period, the Southern family paid not quite twice as much to the support of the 
General Government as tlie Northern family of the same size; in the third, a little more than three 
times as much; in the fourth, near five times as much; and in the fifteen years, from I80I to 
1845, about six times as much! 

In the only other branch of the pulilic revenue of any s'ze, the disproportion of Northern and 
Southern contributions has been still more enormous. We refer to the proceeds of the sales of 
the public lan<ls, which amounted on Janu;iry 1, 1849, to the round sum of 137 millions of dol- 
lars. Seventy nine of these millions came from the sale of lands in the old Northwest Ter- 
ritory, the free <jift of Viroinia for the sake of the Union, for which she has either asked nor 
received one cent. About 33 millions more were from the sales of lands in Alabama and 
Mississippi, north of latitude 31°, and within the cession by Georgia, making in ail out 
of the 137 n)illions, 112 that were contributed by the slaveholding !?tates. We may fairly 
add to thi.'! account 13 millions, the value of lands granted for various purposes to the North- 
western States within their limits, niakiiic a total of 12.5 millions given by Virginia and Geori^ia 
to the free States. But it may* be said that if this sum had not gone into the federal treasury 
from lands, it must have been raised by <!ircct taxation, and the Southern States would have paid 
their share. Well, deduct that share, which would have been 47 millions, and we still have left 
the very handsome gratuity of 78 millions, which the slave S ates, or rather Virginia and Geor- 
gia, gave the North in order to form the Union! 

How have all these taxes been spent' Has the South received, in the disbursements of the 
Federal Government, any compensation for the very disproportionate share she contributed to its 
revenue* And first, as to the public lands. 

Large quantities of these la"ds have been given for internal improvements to the States in 
which they lie, and suth grants were, therefore, confined to the new or hind States It appears 
from a table, which we have carefully prepared from the latest official documents, that the new 
free b'tates have received in this way 5,171,475 acres, worth at the actual average price of the 
public lands sold within their several boundaries, §7,581.899, while the new slave States have 
received only 3 millions of acres, worth ?1, 025,00(1; that is, there has been granted to the new 
free States 18.5 acres to every square mile of their surface, while the new slave States have had 
only 9.3 acres to the square mile. The disproportion is still greater in the older States, where 
the .system has been longer at work. Thus Louisiana has rtceived 10.8 acres, Alabama Q.^*, 
and .Missouri only 7.4, while Ohio has had 29.6, arid Indiana 47.6, (nearly one thirteenth part,) 
to improve every square mile of their respective areas. 'Ihe proportion will be somewhat dimin- 
ished if we add the donations for schools which were made by virtue of a general law; but even 
then the free States have received 3S.9 acres to the square mile, and the slave States only 27.7.* 

We cannot trace all the expenditures of the Federal Government, so as to determine the exact 
amount in each section. There are no published documents to furni.'sh the necessary data. But 
fortunately the distinction can be made in some branches of Federal disbursements, usually classed 
as miscellaneous, and from these we may judge of the rest. 

A report of the Secretary of the Trea.sury, (4G0 Ex. Doc. 18:57-8,) shows, that in the five 
years, 1833 7, out of 102 millions of ex|ienditures, only :i7 millions were in the slave ."^tates, 
Vet during the same years, our table shows that they paid 90 millions of duties to 17 and a half 
paid by the free States. Therefore, while all that the North contributed to the support of the 
Union was spent within her own borders, she enjoyed the additional expenditure of 53 millions. 
or $10,600,000 a year, levied on the South. 

An examination of the Secretary's report will show that even this statement does not give a 
just idea of the inequality. A better notion may be formed by investigating in detail some bran 
ches of expenditure of which we have full accounts. 

The collection of the customs revenue is a large and increasing item in the Federal expenses. 
It gives salaries to a great nuirdier of officers; at Boston, New York, and Philadelphia alone, 
there are 1 123, and it is the indirect source of subsistence to six times as many persons, 'i'liesc ex- 
penditures have amounted in all, from the formation of the Government to the year 1819, to 53 
millions of dollars, of which only 10 millions have been at the Wouth. Yet the slave States have 
paitl at least seven-ninths, or i I millions of these expenses, so that the free States had the bene- 
fit for their citizens in custom-house offices, revenue cuttcr.s, &c., not only of their own pay meiit.s, 
12 millions, but of 31 millions paid by the South. 

The boun'ies on pickled fish, and the allowances to fishing vessels, have amounted, in round 
numbers, to 10 millions of dollars. Nearly every cent of this large sum has gone to the free 
States, chiefly to New England. The records show that slaveholders have not received so much 
of it as 5150,001'. Yet these very slaveholders have paid of these bounties and charities to the 
North, no less than $7,800,000. 

While Ja38.7G have been spent by the Federal Government in defending with forts each mile 
of th" Northern coast line, from the river ^'t. John's, in Maine, to Delaware bay, only §54.0.17 



*Our calcniationt ar.' foiimled on tlieRei^ort of the Commifeioncr of tlie Lanil OfBc-, 1348-'9. 



13 

per mile has been devoted to the Southern coast to the Sabine, up to June 30th, ISlfi, ihe latent 
periwl for wbii'h there are ofTicial returns. Mon- than six-elcveiilhs of the exprnditurrM on Ihe 
iSoutlicrn coast have been in fortifyinc tlic L'besiipcike bay and tlie mouth of the MiH.<iimii|i|ii, that 
i.s, the ai-cess to ihe .seat of tiovernment, and the i^cat outlet of northwestern commerce. It ia 
fair, therefore, to dechu't what was spent at these piints, which leaver only f'llf>.N9 Kp<-nt per 
mile in fortifications nti the Atlantic coa.st of the slave States, from North Carolina to Mixxiiijiippi 
inclu.-ive. Yet winlc the South has not had halt as much exjuMidrd in her defence nn the .North, 
she has paid son\e M out of 18 niiiiinns of dollars devoted to these olje^ts. — (Sec olf rep. tn the 
^cnate, 79 fcSenafe Doc, 1846-'7. 

The light hoasc system exhibits the same inequality. The ajipropnations for erecting licht- 
houses for the year ending .lune 30, 1S47, (.sec "7 Ex. Doc , lMI7-'^^,) were ^0(1.01 for each 
mile of the .Atlantic shore to tiie N'orth, and ^■^'J. 79, not ijuile half, for each mile of shore to 
the South, from Delaware to Texas! 'I'he dilli-rence is still ureater, if wc consider tlir whole 
coast line, including islands and rivers to the head of tide. 'J'hc .\orlh bad f'Z'J 62 to liijht every 
such mile, and the South 59.23, not one-third. 'Ihe expense of supporting the existing light- 
houses in the same year, (see 7 Ex Doc, 1847-'*^,) on the Atlantic and (Jul I coasts, wasf47'>,64"i. 
Of this, the Sou:h paid at lea.st #360,01)0; yet =he received only ^I8V,H•.^0, equal to <26 70 per 
mile on her dangerous shore from the Delaware to the Kio (irande, or ;js.28 per mile of her 
whole coast line. The balance, $ 1 72, 1 70, of her payment went to assist the North, who s|ient but 
Si 1G,6 12 oi" her own money in lighting her shore nt a cost of ^S7 6'i per mile, or including river* 
and islands, of f43 27 per mile. In the year \8V<, there was, (see 27 Ex. Doc, lH37-'8,) — 
At the North I lighthouse to every 32. G miles of Northern sA^^rr, and to every 66.1 miles of erM;«/. 
At the youth 1 " " 10^.8 '« " " •• 370.1 " •' 

At the North I lamp " 2 9 " «' " " 5.9 " 

At the South I " " 8.ti " " " " 29.3 " 

In 1S39, there was, (see 140 Ex. Doc, 1811-'^,) — 
At the North I lighthouse to every 24.8 miles of s/iore, and to every 50.2 miles of const. 
At the South 1 ' «' " 81.2 " " " 276.4 " «• 

At the North I lamp " 2.4 '♦ '« " '..9 " •• 

At the South 1 '• " 6 8 " " " 23.4 

Scarcely half as many lamps as the North had lighthouses! And yet al this time the South 
was paying five-sixths of the revenue. The proportions in other years are not materially ditfer- 
ent; we might multiply examples at pleasure. (See the annual reports.) 

Another fruitful source of expense, which threatens to grow larger, is the internal improve- 
ment system, and, like all the rest, it bears with peculiar weight upon the South. I3efor>' the \nr 
184.'>, (see i4 !Sen Doc. 1846-7, ) there hud been spent upon todtls, harbors, and rixers, ^excu'^nc 
of the .Mis-si.ssippi and Ohio, which are common to tioth .sections,) the sum of ;pl5,20l,233. Of 
this sum, the tSouth received ^151 to imjirove each leii miles square of her area, equal to ;J.',7.'i7,- 
816, while $12,743,407, that i.s, ;$2,S0.'i for eacli ten miles square was allotted to the North. 
The South paid not only all that she ever received hick in thes«- appnqiriationn, but also ^l0, i42,- 
184 for the exclusive benefit of the North. The cost of the forty eight miles of the ('umtM>r'anJ 
road in Maryland and Virginia, $1,020,239, is includwl, for that road was designetl for the 
Northwest. But if it is deducted, there are still left $9, I21,94.i, paid by Southern lalwr for the 
internal improvements of the North. 

The history of this system illustrates a rule to which history offers no exception, that a tribute 
grows with tbe strength of the collectors. Before 1824, the only appropriation of any con!«idcr- 
able size for internal iniprovements was *607,i'|iO for the ( uinlx^rland roiid, ra-t of tlir Ohio nvrr. 
About that time, the North became stronger by a new apportionment of reprcsenlution, and the 
unfortunate concession on the Mi.s.souri question encouraged her to new eiicroachnientit ufKin the 
South. From 1824 to 183.} inclusive, the Fetler.il Government gave for internal improvemcnu 
to the free States $"), 194,44 1, or $114.') per ten miles square, and to the ulaveh.'Uiing Mjlr* 
only $957, 100, or $157 per ten miles square. Fiom 1834 to IS4.> incluiiive, the North rroiv€>l 
Si7,-^3I,63H, or $1593 [icr ten miles squaic, ami t!ie South $1, 1 V 1,500, or $192 for the utmfl 
area. In the first period the Noith receive 1 from iho tre.isury 7.2 liincH a^« much an the Southt 
in the next period, 8.3 times as much. In the fust pcrioil the South paid, over and aU>vr what 
was given lack to her. $3,6 I v!,'Mi(1 to improve the North, and $5, 711, 000 in llic i»««eond j««-n«»l, 
an increase on the ye.irly avera'ji! of 31 per cent. 

The ineipialiiy was es[)eeially great amongst the old thirteen State*. 

New Eiiglind reecive.l $1,10 1, 73r, equ.il to $17 15, t.. imi'r.vc cntv ten mile. ».ju»rc. 

New York, IViinsvIvania, and 

New Jersey received 5,226,3.^0, " 6231, 

The old plantation States, Vir- 
ginia, Marylanil, the Uaroli- 

nas, and (ieorgia 653,100, " 320, 

'i'hia needii no cominent. 



14 

The Presidential veto has arrested tliese appropriations since 1845. CoUirresfi, however, passed 
bills, which gave still moie to the North and still less to the South. 'I he estimates from the 
Treasury Department this winter arc of the same character, for which we impute no blame to the 
Administration; it well knows, that nothinj; more equal could receive the sanct'on of Congress, 
as now constituted. 

The coast survey had cost not much less than a miirnn ofdollir.s in 1815, and had been almost 
entirely confined to the Northern coast, though the North had only 6,675 miles of coast line to the 
Souih's 21,021. 

It is generally, and perhaps justly, supposed that tho post office system works more equally be- 
tween the sections than any other part of the Federal Administration Yet, in I84ti, the mails 
were tiunsported 21,373,000 miles in the free States, or 47 miles to every square mile of their 
area, and only 16,02.'), 000 nnlcs, or 26 mile to each square mife, in the South. In 1817, there 
were 9,599 postmasters in the ISorth, and only 5,664 in the South, though their population is 
as 97 to 73, and their areas (exclusive of Texas) as 45 to 61.* There is, in fact, a general dis- 
position at the North to look to Federal expenditures as ameansof sutiport; and there is a constant 
j)ress on the .Administration to multiply otfices. Hence the immense rush for removal;' and scramble 
for the spoils at thu incoming of every new President, and the cardinal maxim of Northern party 
management — to govern by patronage and not by a reliance on principle. This maxim is utterly 
repugnant to Southern feeling and practice. 

The pension system thruws a strong light on the tendency of the people of the free States to 
quarter themselves on the General Government, at the same time that it .shows the ijsual progres- 
Bive inequality of expenditures between the two sections. A calculation, founded on data in 307 
Sen. Doc, 1838-'w, shows that from 1791 to 1838 inclusive, ;?35,59-!,964 had been paid for 
revolutionary pensions, of which the North received $28,262,597, or 5127.29 for every soldier she 
had in the war, and the South !f>7,H36,367, being only $49.89 for each of her soldiers. The number 
of soldiers is here estimated according to Knox's report, which, cortfessedly, docs not show by a 
great dtal the full exertions of the South in raising troops. Let ub then compare the amounts 
received with the white population of each section in 17"0, and we find the free States in 1838 
had received $14.36 of revolutionary pensions for every soul in their limits in the former year, 
while the South had received only $5.61 for every white. But the military efforts of tlie slave- 
holding States were fully in proportion to their whole population, for the labor of the .slaves on the 
plantations left a much larger proportion of their masters free to take up arms. On this supposi- 
tion, the Southern soldier received only $3.74 for the same revolutionary services which brought 
the Northern $14.35. This gross inequality remains the same by whatever test it is tried. For 
example : 

The seven free States contributed to the expenses of the warf $6 1 , 97 1, 1 70 

And had received in pensions, in 1838 28,262,597 

Balance in their favor $33,71/8,573 

The six slave States contributed $.j2,43S, 123 

And had received, in 1838. . . 7,o3tJ,367 

Balance in their favor $45, 1 1 ,756 

Now let us see how it stands with single States : 

Virginia contributed $19,085,982 ratio as $100 

And received in pensions up to 1838 1,969,534 to 10.3. 

.Massachusetts contributed 17,964,613 ratio as $100 

And received in the same time 4,058,031 to 22.8. 

South Carolina contributed 1 1,523,299 ratio as $100 

And received in the same tinne 431, 141 to 3.5. 

New York contributed 7,179,983 ratioas$lOO 

And received in the same time 7,850,054 to 109.3. 

To appreciate this injustice fully, we murt remember that the South not only paid into the federal 
Treasury all she ever received back in pensions;, but aUo $16,6t)3,i;33 of the pensions given to 
the North. The inequality of the apportionment of these revolutionary pensions has grown with 
the Northern majority in Congress. In th'- first decennial period, 1791-1800, the free States 
rcceivid annually $58,000 more than the South. In the next period, this yearly excess was 
diminished to $43,000, but it rose to $3)9,000 in the third period. From 1821 to 1830 it aver- 
aged $799,000, and from 1831 to 1838, $b65,000. In like manner grew the burden upon the 



*See the anna.il rpports. 

tSee the will-kiiowii rr|)ort of llie Commis^'oners to ?e;:!c the Stale aceooni!. 



15 

South in pacing the pensioners at the North, hesj.Ips tho«o at hoinr. In tho first pcrioil it wm9 
?4 17,449; ill the second, ;r37(),000; in the third, $3,00(>,0!)(»; in the fourth, ;f7,5(i0,(i00; and 
in the last period, (of only 8 years,) f 9, 750,(100. 

According to General Knox's icporl, the North sent to the army 100 men for every 237 of 
military a^e in 1790, and the South IHO fcr every 209. But in l«48 1 out of every H'i of the 
men of military age in 1790 was a revolutionary |Tn«ioner in the North, and only 1 ont of 110 
in the South. New England alone then had :}, 14 •> of the.'?e pensioners, more than there were in 
all the .slave States; and Ntw York two-thirds as many, thoutjh she contribnteJ not one-*rvcnih 
as much to the war. 

The results are equally remarkahle, if we have regard to the whole number of pensioiw, revo- 
lutionary and other. The expenses under this head for the four years endinR in I8:t7,* were 
$8,010,051 in the free Staten, and #-,588,101 in the slave Elates, who not only faid their own 
share, but ^G,:l(l0,U00 to the North. New Kn^iand alone reicive<] <8,9.:4,yil, rather more 
than $2 a head for every man, woman, and child in her limits Durins; the same four years she 
paid in taxes to the Federal Treasury, accordint; to our tables, 5191 per head, so that she aetu- 
allj' received more in pimsions than she i)aid in taxes ! In IHIO iheie were not quite two and a 
half times as many pensioners at the -North as tlie '^outb, but in 1S18 there were more than three 
times as many. New England had more revolutionary pensioners than the five old plantation 
States had pensioners of all kinds. 

The public debt has been the source of yet more enormous benefits to the North. The pty- 
ments on account of j^rincipal and interest had amounted in ail, on the 3<ith of September, I8I8,-|- 
to i?50(), i:?3,719. Of this sum the South had paid 112 millions of dollars trom the lands ceded 
by her, as before shown, and 302 millions of the residue in duties on import.s, niakitn; in all 414 
millions, nearly the whole of which was paid at the North. The chief owners ol this debt have 
been citizens of that section, partly because the funds yielded a higher profit than investments in 
their lands — partly liecause they could advantageously speculate in stocks, by means of the free 
use of the larije Southern capital, which, as we have shown, continually passetl throngh their 
hands. The average payment of the Federal debt by the South to the North has l>e<Mi over 7 mil- 
lions of dollars a year. Well may the Noith say that "a national debt is a public bU*sising!" 

The heads of the Federal expenditures which we have examined gi»c a fair notion of the rest; 
and it may be safely assumed, that while the South has paid scvon-ninths of the t:nes, the North 
lias had seven-ninths of their disbursement TIk' military and naval ex|»ense», the civil and 
diplomatic, arc partly in salaries, but chiefly in contracts. As to the salaries, it is well known 
that the North receives much the most; and it is equally notorious that nearly all the contrart.s 
are given to her citizens. It may be supposed that they are the lowest bidders, ami that it :*>outhcm 
bidders made better offers they would get the contracts. But betore they can do so, they must 
be placed on an equal footing. The large capital which the South has m the foreign trade mu»l 
he restored to the hands of hei citizens, for it is tlie use of this c^ipital, for which the Northern 
man pays nothing, and the concentration by the Federal fi.scal action of all our commrrce ni his 
cities, that enable him to command all the lucrative contracts of (.Jovcrnment. 

We have no means of computing the exact nuinlicr of persons at the North who live u|)on the 
Federal Treasury. Far the larger [)art of the cuslom-house and land otFicers, as well as of the 
other civil ollicer.s, are in the free Stiites. If we aili all the-xe to the 20 oild thousand (rnsjuiirrs$ 
and postmasters, the contracU^rs, and the holders oi the public debt, we shall bo sute m i-ntitnaung 
the persons at the North, who arc directly dcpendunt on the F'ederal rtivenucs, at .')0,0"0. Add 
their families, and we have an army of 300,000 t.i\ consumers in the free blules, nearly all «ip- 
ported by the slaveholding tax payers. 

Lotus now compare the prcsmit condition of a Northern and aSoutljern parish, each containing 
100 families of six persona. In the former, we shall find that there are some three of it« fomiUca 
who derive the whole or a part of their income diricily from the I'miod State* Tiea^ury, wh>l« 
there is na such family in the latter, if it lie like tin- majority of the vUivcholdinfi coininuiuUra ol 
the same pi/.e. If the Northern |iari<h happen to ' >' on the roost, every I oy iuul in el nn«l cnvk 
has been carefully surveyed by the Fe leral (lovrrnMienl, and lidhtji shine every twiiity mW nnl« 
along the shore, to protect its mariiierfl. In the > nihern puri.-ih the venwl* niu»l find thru way 
through the shoals us they best can, fi)r there has I' en no survry, ami i»<> warniiiii teiuon che«r» 
the storm for hundreds of miles 'I'he Union s|)eiid-i ten dollam in cuttim; roml.H nod caiiuK il*"*™- 
ing rivers, and constructing harbors in the Northern |iarii>h. where it H|x-ndit onr in tin- ."^ouUmtm., 
And to secure these benefits, the parish in the free states pays in laxp^ ? IHH. and rp.-rivr« l<«rk 
in disburseinent.s >il,3fi0; while the same number of familuw in ihi- sl.ive Mnleii |*y )^l.«iiO, and 
receive only $i7(). The excess of ;? 1,350 go<-H I > !•« dislribniol ainonirwt the Northern p«n»ba>. 
This is not all, for the hundred families of the Sou 'hem neighl>«>rhoo.l ■re depfi»c%i ot ihm profit* 



*See 460 Kx. Doc. lKr7-'H. 

tHee TreiMiry rf|ioit. I848-!) 

lln 1840, llic penilonrrt •Ion'.- at the No:!li we-c ovir ni,'>'ii'. 



16 

of uringovor $9,000 of tlieir own cotton, tobacco, grain, &c., in orJprtolet thchundrtd Noithem 
families use over $5,000 of it a whole year free of charge. W hen the two paiislits join in war 
against a common foe, tlie Southern must send five times ns many soldieis, and pay five times as 
much of the expenses; and yet when the contest is over, it must suller its partner to seize all the 
conquests, and at the same time to kidnap its property and attack its domestic peace, ("an inso- 
lence con tyranny i;o farther ? Or can histury show a more de-radcd community than the 

Southern must be, if it submits ? 

U hen we regard this course of taxation and dishurseraent, we cease to wonder at the growth 
of the cities of the North, or the palaces that cover her comparatively barren soil. McCulloch re- 
marks, that England's enormous expenditures during the great European war, in the begituiingof 
this century, otlt'red new employment and rewards to hundreds of her people, that the hi-avy fixes 
only served to stimulate their industry and invention, and that, as nearly all the public debt was due 
at home, it may well be di)ubtcd whether the whole elVect was not to increa.se her wealth. How- 
ever this may be, we can easily imagine how vast would have been her profits and prosperity, had 
these taxes all been jiaid by some foreign nation while she had the advantage of their disburse- 
ment, or how wretched and mi.serable would be her peojjle, had the vast sums levied from them been 
cxiKinded for the benefit of strangers in far distant countries. Yel the first ca.se is but a picture 
of the state of the North under our Union, as the la.st would be of the South, but for her great 
natural resources, and the recuperative energies of her people and her institutions. In tlii.« Gov- 
ernment forcing system, the genial climate and luxuriant growth of the South are transported, 
beneath wintry skies, to the rocks of New England. The primal cur.se is partly obliterated for 
them by Federal agency, and the eonnnand is changed into "Thou shall live by the .sweat of the 
brow of the Southern slaveholder." The wages of Southern labor and the profits of Southern 
capital are swept northward by this current ol Federal taxation and disbursement as steadily and 
more swiftly than the Gulf stream bears the waters of our shores. Wtll may the North declare 
that the Union is invaluable, and sing hymns to its perpetuity I 

For all this crying injustice, the South has to blame her own weak concessions, as much as 
the grasping exactions of the North 'I'he free States have only used their power for their own 
interest; and wben has human nature ever been such, that a strong majority would do otherwise? 

«' For why?— the good old rule 
SuHiceth them, the simple plan. 
That he should take who hath tlic power, 
And he should keep who canl" 

Perhaps the free States may, like Olive, when confes.singthc plunder of the East, marvel at ita 
facility, and " .stand astonished at their own moderation." The white population of the South 
has kept pure the blood of their revolutionary fathers. The few emigrants who have settled in 
the South have been quickly assimilated in character by the superior numbers of her people, and 
have thus added to her strength. Not so in the free States; their population has increased faster 
than at the South; but the dilFerence is entirely due to the emigrants of Europe, who are rapidly 
increasing in number. In 1810 the arrivals were under IdO.OdO and last year over 400,000 sought 
oiir shores, which number is greater than the whole natural increase of the people of the North. 
The tide cannot stop at this point. Mr. Webster has proposed, and his proposal is nj.provcd by 
all who are eager to court the foreign vote, to give a quarter section of the public lands to every 
foreigner who may choose to settle on them. VVhot countless swarms of needy adventuieis will 
pour out of the great European hive to accpt the bounty! The free States can no longer assimi- 
late such crowds to their natives; the superior numbers will overpower and change the native 
character. And it is for these .strangers, to provide lands to be given away to all nations of the 
earth, that the citizens of the South arc to be excluded from the common domain! The old like- 
ness of interests, of character, and of feeling between the sections is fast wearing away under 
these influences. The free States are filled more and more with a manufacturing and town popu- 
lation; the slave States preserve the old country character. The people of the former are losing 
the Kcvolutionary associations which were one of the bonds of our union If some still trace 
back to fathers who fought side by tide with the ancestors of the Southern people at Monmouth 
and at Eulaw, a still greater number can remdiibcr no such jiast; their sires were then in other 
lands, or perchance were here, but in the ranks of the foe. I'hcre is no symj-athy, no common 
feeling among these people, to weigh against the deep-.seated and growing hostility to the institu- 
tions of the slave States. Negro slavery, on the one hand, and what Alison calls, "the practi- 
cal white sl.ivery of factories" on the other, combine with these causes to make a yawning and 
ever widening gulf between toe sections. Even coni'titutional guaranties are but parchment bul- 
warks againsWhe assaults of selfish and superior power. When the parties arc separated by 
widely variant social institutions, and by a i;rowing opposition of character, sentiments, and in- 
terests, there can be no security for the weaker, short of a perfect equality in political power, and 
on that the South must insist, ;is wise old George Mason, one of Virginia's biishtest lights, said: 



17 

"The majivitf/ will hr govorncl by th.nr intrrcsfs. The Soutlirm Stairs arc ihr minorlly in 
Voth Houses. Is it to 1)0 expected that they will deliver themselves, Iwund hand and foot, to 
the Enstorii States, and pim!)!f them to ex> him in the words of Cromwell, on a certain occasion 
' the Lord hath dclivonHl them into our hands.' " 

To determine still more conclusively wluther the North will persi.-if in refusing this onualitv to 
the South, when .she tinds that the consc(inonre must be ndis.-<oluIion of the Union, let us examine 
the elTe;-t.s of such an unhijipy event upon her condition. In the tir<t place, she would lose all 
\\\c advantages she now derives from the gratuitous and forced loan of the Southern capit.al in the 
foroi'jjn trade, and insfe.id of receiving the fertilising showers of the federal disliursement-* of the 
taxes paid by the slave States, the whole expenses of her Government would be thrown upt»nher 
own people. Last year, her productions for exixirtation were only {1^32,2 10, t)(M), and her corres- 
ponding share of the import.«, including s|)ecie, not quite 36 nullions. How would it be po.ssible 
to raise on these imports, duties to the amount of 29 millions— her share of the expenses of the 
Federal Government, a.s estimated by Mr. Meredith for the next fiscal year' An average duty of 
even 50 per cent, would raise only 18 millions, supposing the imports to remain the same, when, 
in fact, tliey could not fail to decline under such a burden. Direct taxes, ruinous to her mnnu- 
Cictures, and still more d.mgerous for her social organization, would be the inevitable resort. Com- 
pare this with the feder.d taxes she has paid und.r the present Union for the la.st nine year--, ave- 
raging less than 6 millions of dollars a year. Mie could not assist her finances by imposing du- 
ties on hcrimport.s from the South, for they consist chiefly of unmanufacture.1 pio<luce, which is 
essential to her people. How could she tax l!ie Virginia grain, which feeds \ew Eni^land, 
or the cotton on which her factories depend for their \cry existence' There is reason to 
'juppose that her difficulties would be incrca.scd by an actual dedine in her foreign trade. 
The only increa.se in her exports for many yeirs has been in manufactures and breadstufTs. 
The former were rather over 11 millions of dolhrs in 1849, chiefly cotton good.s. Of these the 
South furnishe-s the raw material, estimated by McCuIloch, as well as by the Secretary of the 
Treasury, at one-fourth of the whole value, to sny nothing of the foo<l for the operatives, which 
has been calculated by Mr. Webster and others at a large sum, and for which the necessities of 
Northern industry would .still secureadmitrance into their poits free of duty. But if the North, 
instead af receiving a large bonus through the Frieral Government from the South, had to pay the 
expenses of her own Union, her manufactures cnild not stand English comi)et.tion for a dav. 
Everi the South, if her people found it profitable to manufacture, would have a great advantage in 
the lightness of taxation. The North, for example, has hitlierto conducted a very lucrative trade 
with China, to whom -she sells about a million of dollars worth of cotton good.s, but when the price 
of her manufactures was r.iised by taxation, and the return cargoes subjected to the tax neces-sary 
lo raise her required revenue, what would beer iiic of this trade * Her goods would no lonre'r 
enter the Southern market, not only free of duty, but with a di.scrimina^ing duty of .30 lo .iO per 
cent, to protect them against foreign competition. On the contrary, they would have to meet the 
manufactures of the world on terms of perfect equality, perhaps even witi> a discrimination a^inst 
them, unless she pre.-cr\ed the comity of nations :is to our slave institutions. The Northern ex- 
ports of niarmfacture.s, so far from increasing, would probably decline, if the Union were dis.«olve»l. 
They can barely sust.Vni the competition of their rivals with all their present advanlaxe.-i; not 
only withdraw these, but increase theii cost by tixalion, and they must sink Umeath thel.urden. 

Nor is it possible that the free States, despiti the fables about the Northwe.«t, can lorn: have 
any surplus of breadstulfs and jirovisions for exi) irution. We find that, accordim; to the estimate 
of crops and population in the Patent Office K.iwrt for 1S48, and assuming, with the C munis, 
sioner, the increase of neat cattle and swine since l-HlOat S.-J |HTcent.. that the pr.xluction of uniin 
(wheat and corn) at the South whs 15.97 busb.N for every in-rson, while at the North it was only 
24.78 The census of I'J-IO gave 38.74 bushels jht he.ul at the So\\\\\, and 18. -IS at the .Nortli, 
which is prob.ibly more reliable. In 1810 then- were 101 neat cattle and 226 hogs for every MM) 
persons at the South, which were inoreaioil to 107 cattle ami 232 Iioi;* in 1S18. .\t the North 
there were 70 neat entile in ISItt, and oidy 72 for every 100 persons; while of swine, in the for- 
mer Near, there were 101, and in the latter only '.t'i for the same number of jM-rwins, 

These Klatistics ahow, not only what has btrii |>oinletl out by other mquirie*. that the subfrint- 
cnce of the Northern laborer is much lower than ^f the Southi-rn. but that it in <lr, I,,,,., . ..,^. 
cially in animal foo<l, which ia always the first siu'n thai p«ipuln'ion begins to prms w ' tw 

of subsistence. (Jther facts arc equally conclusive, that the bulk of the aurplus ! .-id 

provisions must Iw at the South, and that tl»e Noriii will «,>..n find it n* njuch as she c«n do t.i feed 
her own populali.m well. The avTrage crop of wheat in Vinjinia ami Marvland i.« 10 l>u«h«>l« 
for every |)erfon of their population; in Tenness.-c 9, and in Kentucky TJ. 'Hut in .New York 
it is only ."iA bushels; in Pennsylvania 6, and e\cn in the new St.ues, Indinna. with 8 J bushels, 
docs (u)te(]ual Tenues-sec or old' Virginia; and Illinoia pro,luces under 7 bushels for each pi<nion. 
Ohio reaches lOi ImsheU, bm h.-r Hoard of .\i;ri.ullure says that she ha« attain.-.! her ni.TTimutiu 
except at an increa.sed cost of production 'Pii- Iniurc pro«j>cct* for the wheal crop in Uu- frr« 



18 

States arc still worse New EiiftlanJ l;as actually declined in her food crops of all kinds.* Wc 
are told, on good authority, that western New York, once celebrated for the crops on the Genessee, 
produces less wheal than formerly ;-[• and Mr. Solon Robinson, a most competent judge, and him- 
self an Indiana man, says " wheat is the most precarious crop in the West, and altogther unsafe 
for the farmer to rely on'. I consider Delaware,' Maryland, and Virginia the best whrat Mates in 
the Union. I saw one thousand acres of whcut in Virginia last season better than any one thous- 
and I ever saw in the West " This agrees with the results of chemical analysis, wb.iih shows 
that most of the Northwestern soils, when their virgin qualities are exhausted, are destitute of 
some of the most essential elements of wheat t 

ThisfTadual but sure decline in the returns of agriculture in the free States is one cause of the 
increasing tendency of their population to desert the country and concentr.ite in towns and I'actories. 
In some of those States the only increase, according to the last census, was in the towns. In 
New York, the population of the fourteen largest towns increased ti4^ per cent ; in all the rest of 
the State, only 19 per cent. In Ohio, the fifteen largest towns incrca.sed 138 per cent.; the State 
but 62 per cent. According to Prof Tucker, at the last census, 35 per cent, of the whole New 
England population lived in towns. Theproportion of persons cngazed ip manufactures had in- 
creased from 21 per cent in 1820 to 30 per cent, in 1840; in the middle States the increase had 
been from 22 to 28 per cent.; and even in the Northwest from 10 to 13 per cent. It has been 
yet more rapid since. Meantime the proportion engaged in agriculture had declined; the reverse 
was the case in the slaveholding States. It appears, therefore, that it is impossible for the North 
long to have any surplus of food for exportation, whrrther we regard the capacities of her soil or 
the proportion of her people engaged in tilling it. The crops cannot keep pace with the natural 
increase of population, and much less with the still greater increase from European emigration. 
There is yet another cause to prevent Northern grain from being exported, while Southern can 
be bought. The quality of wheat and the quantity of bread it will make depend upon its dryness 
and the proportion of nutritive matter or gluten contained in it. Its dryness is all important in 
determining whether it will bear a voyage. According to the analysis of Prof. Beck, of Rutger's 
College, n'. J., (in the Patent t)lfice Report, 1849,) Southern wheal has several percent less 
water than Northern, and as much more of gluten. So great is the difference, that it is said 
that Alabama wheat flour wdl make 20 p.T cent, more bread than Ohio. This, of itself, will give 
a more and more decided advantage to Southern breadstulfs in the foreign market. § 

The general conclusion is therefore unavoidable, that the Norvh cannot long continue to export 
bread-stulls and provisions, and that the general amount of her productions for expiTTtations, iivclud- 
ing her manufactures, would greatly decline under a dissolution of the Unian. Her main reliance 
for revenue would therefore be on direct taxation, and how this would affect her social condition 
we shall presently see. 

Meantime the situation of the slave States would be very different. The exports of cotton, rice, 
and tobacco for the year ending June 30th, 1849, were alwut 75 millions of dollars. Add the 
Southern share of the rest of the domestic exports, and it makes the whole exports of the produce 
of the slave States not less than 100 millions of dollars. Their proportional share of the imports 
paid for this produce was I 12 millions, and the low duty of 10 per cent, on these would yifld to 
the South a revenue of more than 1 1 millions, ample for every purpose. Her proportional share 
(of Mr. Meredith's estimates, before referred to) is only 15 millions, and her expenditures would 
be much less for her population than the North's. Her territory is more compact, and her people 
are unaccustomed to look to Government for the means of living. All the ordinary expenditures 
of the United States in 1830, with a third more population than the South now has, were but 13 
millions. We have placed her revenue at the lowest, for the increase in the value of the exports 
of cotton alone in the present \ear will probably be 40 millions, if we may judge frou the returns 
thus far. It we add the rice, tobacco, grain, and cotton sold to the North, 30 millions more, we 
have a total of 170 millions of exports, and the return imports may be fairly put down at 20(J 
millions, on which the same low duty would yield to the South a revenue of 20 millions of dollars! 
It is very plain that the South could have no difficulties in her finances. Meantime her trade 
would revive and giow, like a field of young corn, when the long expected showers descend afier 
a withering drought. The South now loses the use of some 130 or 110 millions a year ot her 
capital, and also pays to the Federal Government at least 2(5 millions of taxes, 23 ofvvhich arc 
8|)ent beyond her bor.lers. 'I'his great slreaiii of taxation continually bears the wealth ol" the South 
far away on its waves, and small indeed is the portion which ever returns in refreshing clouds 
to replenish its sources. Turn it back to its natural channel, and the South will be relieved ol 15 



»Sw Ellwood Fislior's " North ami Soulli 



tSec ral.-nl tlllicp R.-|>orl for IMH, ,,. 24(. , . - 

13e,. an .•xc.ll.eiter^av oiilli- whe.-iliTO|>. l)v Mr. n<)l.oml>,ornM.,in ilie Am. F;irmpr , o . . /xc 

6liv a toii.|'no»on of ll.e labk- of pries in New York and Cl.i-».L'o. with llie r. ,.ort» of farmers in lie Pat.-t,l Office 
Renoil. wv fiii.l Ihat it nireii.ly toMs ihe Norlliwetl.-m farmer, on an average. SI to rai*e a husheJ ol wheat an. pla.e it 
in N> w York, and 75 cinK for a biislicl of corn. Tin- least in^rea»f in the cojl of proiluclion would drive hiin l.oiii Uia 



market. 



19 

millions of taxes — to be left where they can be most wisely cx[iendrJ, in the bands of the paycni; 
aiul the ether 1 1 millions will furnish salaries to hor iieoplp and encoiirapeniont to hr-r labor. 
Restore to her the use of the 130 or 140 millions a year of her |)r(i(hire for the foniifn tradi-, and 
hH her ])orts will throat; with business. N irfolk and Cliarlestcin and Savanti:di, Si) lonjj pointed 
at by the iVorth as a proof of the pri'tfiidt'd eviU of slavrry, will be erowded with shijipini;, and 
their warehouses eramrned with merchandise. The use and eommind of this large rapital would 
cut canals; it would build roads and tunnel mountains, and drive the iron horse through the re- 
motest valleys, till " the desert should blossom like the rose." 

A remarkable dillerence between the Northern and Southern section is, that while the l.ittrr in 
complete in herself, both in the resources of wealth and the meansof communicaiion with the world, 
the former is strikingly the re^~orse. We have already shown that the slavtholdinp; States pro- 
duce nearly twice as much food for their [JojiuLition as the free States, anil are still increasini; in 
quantity, both of bread and meat, for each juTson- It is notorious that the Eastern Stales hnve 
loni; been in the habit of drawing lar^,'e supplies of grain from the Chesapeake and from Noitli 
Carolina. With the tendency of .N'orthern population to gather in towns and factories, and the 
increasing tide of foreign inmii^'ration, the tiin'' cannot be very far distant when the free Slate*, 
as a whole, will be dependent on the South fir a part of their fo(xl. The progress of population 
must soon force a resort to inferior soils for cultivation, and so raise the cost of production. On 
the other hand, such a day is far, far distant in the ?*oulh. Her numbers receivr no unnatural 
increase from immigration, but the adjustment of population to food is lefl to the eternal laws of 
nature Her inhabitants are not so densely settletl, and have therefore more land to cubivote. 
The soil is more fertile, and the superiority of rlimste is almost equal to as much more of natural 
fertility. It may, therefore, be concluded, that her j)eople will continue to have a large surplus of 
food for e.xportatiim, after themselves consuniiiii; more per head than the people of ihefre*- >tatc8 
raise. Ami this, without counting u|)on the rice, witii which they supply the whole United 
States, besides cxjiortinij several millions of dollars worth 

But if such is the cotnparative condition of the two sections a.s to the great stalTof life, how is 
it in regard to other articles, which add to our comfort, and minister to the higher wants of a re- 
fined civilization' 

The Patent Office Report (for 1817, p. ISl) estimates the consumption of sugar in the I'nited 
States at 3-0 millions of pounds annually, which agrees very well with the returns of imp<irt.s re- 
tained for consumption, and the amount of the Louisiana crop. This allows 10 or 17 pounds for 
every person, black and white, in the country, and makes the consumption at the South not quite 
147 mdlions of pounds. Hut the Louisiana crop has averaged -00 mdlions of pounds for the 
last four years, which would not only supply tlic Southern demand, but leave a surplus for expor- 
tation of .')3 millions of pounds, worth ^•.;,6.'ii>,i»0l). This is besides 10 millions of gallons of 
molasses, which will pay all the expenses of cultivation. We may add, that the culture of sugar 
i-i fa-t extending at the South. There are hum district.s in western Louisiana and Texas, and in 
the peninsula of Florida, where it n.ay be raiscil to any amount as chiaply as in Cuba. Nothing 
is wanting but capital to open them and erect the neces.sary machinery. In the event of a diiwo- 
lution of the present Union, this would he easily supplied fnmi the I. "i millions ot taxes »nvod, 
and the HO millions of Southern produce restored to our use. On the other hand the North i« 
entirely dependent on the South and other countries for 173 millions of pounds of sugar, worth 
$8,650,001). 

Tobacco is another great staple of the trade of the world. Nearly the whole prwluctioji 
(220 millions of pounds) of the I'nited Slates, is in the South ; that is, 210 millions of |K.und», 
worth, at .') cents, ill', millions of ihdiars. .Maryland, Virginia, and North ('arolina, ulone. pro- 
duce H'J niillion.s, and the quality of ihoir tofiac o is ackiiowledgitl t» be suin-rior to any in lh«« 
woild. The South can suiijily the whole annual <>nsunq'lion of England and Friince, -19 million*, 
and still have 27 pounds hit for every soul, si nc and free, of hor people of Ua\\ nexes above 10 
years of age. It would cost the North lf8,7.')ti,t>0<» for the l?."* nullions of p<mnils rc«|uirr.l to 
furnish her population as abundantly. This u'lc it staple has become .almost a necesonry of life, 
and we may exiK-ct a .steady increase in the demand for it. while slave Iiil>or, and ceitnin p«H-ulinri. 
ties of soil and climate, give the S >uih a monopoly of the supply of the higher quaiilios. Hut 
the chief crop of the South is yet to l>e consi.lend; we, of cour!.e, mean cotton. 

The exports of this one article have some ycirs tieen over two thirds of the whole dome«tir eT- 
portrt of the Init.-d States. Last year they were more thin half- over f.ii millioni' of dollart. 
'i'he price this year aver.iges 73 per cent Iih,')it, as raleubited from the nrtutl return*, bo ihH 
the exports, though less in quantity fn.m the -liort rnq., must be cnsidembly greater in Tijoe. 
The crop has increased •-T) jx-r cent, since I HID; but the foreign deiniiii.l, a* shown I7 iheeTport*, 
has increa.sed still faster, that is, 33 per cent. The averaip- crop is now 2,7tM),ooo bjle». and ■!! 
the rest olthe world cannot sell r)liO,(iOii bales In Great Hrit iin, 4 millions of |^t.oh« live by the 
manulacturc of cotton, 'i millions more in Euro|.e and I imllioii in the fnre States— in all 7 mU- 
lions of people, whor.e daily bread is diminished or increaw.l by the supply of cotton from lh« 



20 

slave States. England has iniportcJ annually for the last five year?, from countries other than the 
United ."^tatcs, n'22,8(il bales, which is 00,000 less than the average of the preccdin.,' tivc years. 
The imports from India, which, it was prcteiidi'd at one time, would ruin our market, have de- 
clined from 271,000 bales in IS'll, tu2!)0,0(t0 in 18'1'J. Eirypt .supplied more than .*<(l,00() bales 
in 1845, and now does not send a third of th it cpuintiiy. The Southern States are the only part 
of the world where the growth of cotton is extending, and here the average increase of the crop 
is not over 80,000 bales a year. So great has been the decline of the cotton crop in other coun- 
tries, that the En;^li>h supply from all quarters, avail.ible for home consumption, including our 
slave States, "has of late years fallen oil' at the rate of lOOO bales a week, while our (the Enj^li^h) 
consumption has been increasing during the same period at the rate of Sjf.OO bales a week."* 
These facts, taken from the highest authority, oiler the briehlcst prosjicet to the cotton planter. It 
appears that the Englisli demand is outruniiiuu the supply at the rate o( 23'.*, 000 bales per an- 
num, more than 13 per cent, on the present consumption. The slave States have not only to 
meet this increasing demand, but also to sui:ply thegrowing consumption at home, in the North- 
ern istates, and in continental Europe, whicli already uses 1 million of bales. It is hard to over- 
rate the possible, and even probable future demands of the market, if we consider the 
thousands of persons in Germany and Kussia, who still use manufactures of flax, and 
who must ultimately adopt the cheaper fabrics of cotton. The result must be a large 
increase of price, of which we already see the signs, for it is erronous to attribute the pre- 
sent rise only to the short crop. The increase uiU be permanent, for it will be secured by our mo- 
nopoly of the production. In ordinary articles, when the demand outruns the supply, the very 
rise of price, which is the consequence, draws new capital and labor to the production, until the 
old relation of the supjily to the demand is restored. The price of an ordinary article cannot 
therefore be permanently rai.sed beyond tiie cost of production, including the average profits of in- 
dustry for the producer. But in regard to cotton, the case is very Uillercnt. It is admitted that 
no other country can produce it of the best iiuality, and experience has abundontly proved, that 
neither cotton nor sugar, (we may add tobacco and coftee.) can be profitably raised on a 
large scale without slave labor. The cotton crop must therefore keep pace with onr slave popu- 
lation, which already raises all it can pick ; and we accordingly find that the average rate of 
increase of both is just the same, a little over 3 per cent, a year. It is therefore ipipossible to in- 
crease the supply by a new irdlux of producers, as in common cases, and as the demand is 
increasing about 13 per cent, a year, ttie price must continue to rise, until its very ri-e check* 
the consumption. These facts pronuse an almost unbounded prosperity to the cotton planter, 
which will extend to all their fellow-citizens in the same hap()y confederacy. A vast Southern 
market will be opened for grain, sugar, tobacco, provisions, manufactures, and produce of every 
description. When this demand is added to the exiting wants of other countries, the profits of 
the Virginia and Maryland planter will equal those of their more Southern brethren, and the 
slave-holding States, freed Irom a heavy burden of taxation, and relieved from the unnatural di- 
version of their trade, would be the garden spot of the world. The exports of cotton to the free 
States and the other countries, cannot be less, in a few years, than 140 millions of dollars in value ; 
(we venture to predict that, even in the present state of things, the exports of cotton to foreign 
countries will reach 80 millions this year, besides 50(t, 000 bales, worth $23,7o0,0ti0, kept at 
home.) All this would form the aliment of a higher system of civilization than the world has 
ever yet known. 

VVc shall say nothing of the mineral resources of the South, which are unsurpassed ; of her 
gold, her copper, and her lead ; of her mines of selt and of iron, and her vast fields of coal ; we 
shall pass over her numerous agricultural productions and fruits, many almost spontaneous. We 
might speak of the vine, which can be cultivated not only along the Ohio, but to still greater 
advantage in the more Souihern latitudes of Carolina, Alabama, and Texas. ISor shall we men- 
tion coffee, which it is tolerably cerLain might be raised with profit in the south of FloiiJa, for 
the future annexation of (^uba would give us abundant suppliiw. The interesting experiments af 
Dr. Smith, in South Carolina, may perhaps make us independent t»f China for tea, and even en- 
able us to compete with her in other markets ; while climate and wicial institutions will always 
forbid its cultivation north of Mason's and Dixon's hne. We will pa.ss ert once to the con- 
sideratitm of the means of placing our productions in market. 

A large extent of sea co i.st not only improves the climate, bnt greatly increases the facilities for 
commerce. This was one of the chief physical causes of the early prosperity of the nations on 
the Mediterranean, especially in the peninsula of Italy and Greece, and it has been no small ele- 
ment of England's power. 'J'he ."Southern Slates are eminently favored in this way. Then 
coast line on the Atlantic and the Gulf is 7,033 miles,f while the Northern States have only 
3,29'i. liut to appreciate the full adTantage of the South, we must include the island? and rivers. 



•Tlie LoniloD KnnomUt. Thi« rt^nll m, of *oiir<n. ol<l.iin<>d l>y con<i lering the stocks oii Inml in caoS year, 
tSee Report ofllie Supl. sf (lie C'oa»t Survey id Treasury Report, Itf-W-t'. 



21 

to the hend of titlo-wator, whirh make hor whole naviuaMe coast-linr, 2C,70 1 milcn, while the 
Northern is hut fi,()7ft. The very rotii|iact sli!i|)eof tlie Southern Htatps make this preat hne of navi- 
gation avaihihle to nearly the whole country, while the reverse is the c.vse at the North. The 
siaveholiliiii^ States have an equni sui>criiirily in the extent of steam navigation on the western 
rivers. 'I'he l,(K)(i miles of the Ohio may he considered common to the two sertiocs, am! no may 
the 2,000 niilo-i of the Mississippi, ihoucrh I,'-!:10 of these lie exchi-^ively in the South, while some 
300 more divide Missouri from Illinois, and little over '100 aie wholly in the free States TIjere 
are 2,fi.'i.5 miles of steam navigation on the Missouri and "its trilnitaries, the most valuable part of 
which lies in a slave State, and as the whole tlehouches at St Louis, that city commnmls all it« 
commerce. On the other trilnitaries of the ijrcat " Father of waters," as well as of f?ie Ohio, 
there are ■'>,0'^9 miles of steam navigation in the slave Stati-s, and only 2,:}00 in the free .''talcs. 
The whole commerce of the valley of tlie .Mississipjji, to which the jjreatiT part of the North- 
western States heloncs, is naturally dependent on the South for an outlet, wliich the South would 
prohahlv find it to her interest to permit the Irei- States to use. There is a nntural rijuity in tlie free 
navipjation of rivers by all ihe riparian powrrs, which v^-ns ncknowledged in the treaty of Vienna, 
and npi>lied to the Rhine and Danuhe, as a 2ic:it principle of Kuropean national law. The cities and 
countries at theoutlet.s of such streams, gain the commercial command of all the country ahove, and, 
in case of war, a great military power. .'\ hirije portion of the commerce of the free Stnte-s in the in 
nortliwest must always (lo to enrich New Orleans. The other part has to find its w.iy to the 
sea hoani l>v canals and railroid--, at a cost of •! per cent in tolls, while a fourth p^rt, probably of 
Northern commcne has too pass through Southern States There is no part of the South thus 
dependent on the North. 

It is true, that h-deral legislation has made a roundMbout voyage by New Yf)rk shorter for 
Southern trade than the straight course to Kurope, but there is no part of the slave States whose 
natural port is not at home. Two great lines of railroad will soon connect the Chei^pe ike bay 
with the valley of the Ohio and the Lakes. A th^rd line will stretch throu-.'h the southwest to 
Memphis, on the Missis.sippi, wFiile a fourth will form a continuous line parallel to the coa-t from 
Baltimore and Kiehmond, through Cohiinbi i and .Atlanta, to Natchez, with numerous later.ii feed- 
ers from the Piedmont vallies. Western cimtnerce can rea'-h the .Atlar tic by these Southern 
lines more <}uiekly than by the Northern, aid without any interruption from ice nnd bt.ow in 
winter. 'I'hey will concentrate a vast trade at Norfolk, <-'harleston, nnd Savannah. Nothing 
is wantinci: but the capital to complete their imjirovenienfs, which the restoration of oui natural 
commerce would at once supply. 'J'he same causes which have substituted steam for sails in 
inland navisation — the nccil for greater speed anil certainty in the returns — will complete the 
change on the ocean, and give steamshi|'> the preference for commerce as well as passen- 
gers. We find that the custom-house returns show that the proportion of the imports into 
Boston, brou-rhl in steamers, is rapidly iiu reasing. Swilt steam-vessels are now building in 
P'ntrland to be emploved in the foreign gr;iin train trade.* * 

This change must be of great advantage to .Norfolk and Chnrleston, for the calms whirh make 
Southern l.ititudcs unfavorable for a sail voya,'.- to Europe, will maki- them so much the better 
for stea:n. The trade in Indian corn and Southern wheat (which, as we have seen, is drier, 
more nutritiou.s, ami better fittetl for exporiaiion than the Northern) will be greatly augmenlnl. 
The mouth of the t;hesaf)eake is naturally a ''etter po.>ition for a great city than the m luth of 
the Hudson That l<eautiful bay. having all tlie advantages of a sea, without its^^torms, hni -I.OIO 
miles of tidewater shores, of which 2,U7:} miles are in navigable rivers — more thnn double the 
number in the States north of it. This noble ^v^tem of rivers and bays m.ay l>e said lo be free from 
ice all the vear, and waters one of the most Jiighly favored countries in the world, both in the 
temperate climate, the rich and ca^ily impr.>v(d soil, and the variety of its pr.xluctions. Add to 
this all the country that may be more realiiy connected by artifii iai cimimunieui mis with thin 
point than any other, and thiro is no site <'m the Atlantic coast which sbmild naturnlly com 
mnnd a larger commerce than .Norfolk. ^^ e have explained the enu<-e* which have prevcnt«"d 
the development of these resources, but on. e n move the burdenw, nnd ntiton' Southern capital 
to its proilucers, and the shippinir of New York would soon whiten Hampton Road*, nnd her 
palaces embellish the shores of the Chesapeake. Chnrleston is connected with the ««mr Iine< o( 
railroad, and the cotton trade gives her eipial or nuperior ailvantnge*. Mobile ;l^^ ' ■>' 

looseninir of her sharkles to stretch an iron r'ad to the Ohio : and who cnn predict -* 

of New t)rleBns, at the nvnilh of the Missn-ippi valley, with it* area of n nii!' t 

miles, its steum navigation of lfi,f)74 niibs, ami it* commerce, already valueil at 5'-' 
What a position for that which has ever I ecu the moHt lucrative commt rcr ol t' , 'le 

e\chani,'e of the pro<lu -tions of tem|HTate and hi';hly civilireil countries for the ;:rowlh ot tropi- 
cal climates and lemi advanced societies ' The (nilf of Mexico wouM bo .-omn-anded by the 
•lave States, nnd they would want nothinc but Cuba to make it a Southern Lake. How long 



• Blackwood'i Majaiinc, Jnnnsrjr, IMO. 



22 

woulil thpy want that > Pcacc:iWe annexation would at once follow its independence of Spain, 
and that could not he delaved long after the separation of the North and the South. There is 
no just reason why Engla'iul should desire to prevent its annexation now ; and, in the event of 
a dissolution of the Union, it woukl he her int.>rest to strengthen us, and she would he bound 
to the Southern alliance l).v natural ties, and would have natuial causes of hostility to the North. 
The dependence of four millions of her petiple on the South for cotton, and of many more for 
food, would give the slave States a powerful hold upon the good will of her Governiut nt— a 
hold that would strengthen with every year. No such ties would hind England to the free 
States. Producers t+f the same articles, and rivals in manufacturing industry, their conimerce 
would he small and their interests adverse This hostile feeluig would l-e aggravated by a desire 
to possess Canada on the one hand, and a jealousy of its loss on the other. In any actual con- 
test of arms the North would be particularly weak. Our Engineer department says that " It 
must be admitied that the British po.ssess tiie military command of Lake Ontario."* 'I his would 
facilitate the execution of the fine strategic drsi'^n which they failed to accomplish in the Revolu- 
tion- to hold the line of the Hudson, and i.solale New England from the other States. The 
Welland canal gives England the power of throwing vast supplies of every kind from Lake On- 
tario, where she has the command of the upper Lakes, and thus cutting ofl" the western com- 
merce from New York. It also places her in a position to strike at the line uniting the Eastern 
and Western f:ee States, which offers peculiar advantages to a foe from either the North or 
the South. From Lake Erie to Pittsburg is little over one hundred miles, and might easily be 
held hv an enemv, who had resources either on the Lakes, or in Maryland and Virginia. The 
Northern States might he thus completely sundered. The Northwestern States, comme'cially, 
belong rather to the South than the North, and their connection with the Eastern Slates would 
not he^ very strong. Events may easily be imagined which would separate a Northern Confede- 
racy into two parts, the one leaning towards the South, and the other relying on a Canadian 
connection; and, in estimating the relative capacity of such a confederacy for vvar, we must 
remember that the States which compo.se it now owe one hundred and ten millions of dollars, 
while the Southern States owe oi.Iy sixty millions. 

\\ hen we consider all these fticts, can we doubt that the free States will acknowledge the 
equality of the South, rather than return to their natural poverty and weakness by dissolving 
the Union ?— that Union to which we of the South are so devotedly attached, and to whese pre- 
servation we are willing to sacrifice everything but our honor. 

We have seen that the North possesses none of the material elements of greatness, in which 
the South abounds, whether we regard the productions of the soil, the access to the markets of 
the world, or the capacity of military defence. While the slave States produce nearly every- 
thing within themselves, the free States will soon depend on them even for food, as they now do 
for rice, sugar, tobacco, and cotton— the employment of their ships in Southern commerce, the 
emjiloyment of their labor in the manufacture of Southern cotton, and all that they can pur - 
cba.se of other countries with the fabrics of that gieat >outhern staple. We have shown that 
the price of that staple must be permanently raised; how would the manufacturing industry of 
the free States stand this rise, if their taxes were raised by a dissolution of the L'nion, and how 
would their laborers subsist under this new burden, if they at once lost the employment alVorded 
by the free use of one hundred and forty millions of Southern capital, and the disbursement of 
twenty millions of Southern taxes > The answer to this question will bring us to the last view 
we shall present of our subject, and will show that the T'nion ha.s, in truth, inestimable worth 
for the North. It defies all the powers of figures to calculate the value to the free Slates of the 
conservative influence of the South upon their social ori^anization. 

The great sore of modern society is the war between capital and labor. 'I'he fruits of any 
^ enterprise of indu.stry have to repay all the wages of the lal>or employed in it, and the remainder 
is the profit of capital. Evtry man knows that the profit he can make on any undertaking de- 
{)cnds upon the expenses, and that the chief part of these is the hire of the neces-^ary labor. 
The cheaper he can get that, the more clear gain is left him It is obvious, ujion this statement, 
that the lower the wages, the higher are the profits, and it is the interest of capital to reduce them 
to the lowest point, as it is of labor to reduce the profits. Eree competition is continually bring- 
ing down the prices of the productions of industry, ami the caphalisl has to meet this effect by 
lessening the cost of production, and to lower the wages is one of the readiest ways to accom- 
plish this end. It is true, that the laws of nature, if left uninterru()ted, will a.ljust the shares of 
wages and profits in a certain ratio to each other, and in a young and fl.mrishmg coun'ry, where 
every addition to the stock of capital and labor employed is attended by a proportional or greater 
increase of the gro.ss returns these .shares will continue the same, or even increase 

In such a case, the natural opposition of interest between the laborer and capitalist is not felt; 
but the moment any cause intcrrupU the operation of these natural laws, or diminishes the pro- 



• I'J Ex. Doc. IIM:-f?, |.. 50. 



23 

ductiveness of the new labor annuaHy hrouglit into action, one or both mn«t iliminish, for th.^ 
whole returns to be divided are leas in proftorlion to the number of those who an- to rerpivc. 
Each will try to <^et the most he can, and tlirow the whole loss upon the other; and in thi« utrifi- 
capital has an immense advantage. It can ensily be transferred from les"? to more prufi'able cm- 
plovments, and from countries where its rewards are low to those where ihey are hich.' We ha\c> 
eeen an examjjle of this operitioii in the steady How of capital from Europe to lliis country. Labor 
has no such facility; no frcif^ht is so costly as that of man. Poverty anil ignorance combine with 
locil affections and habits to tie the laliorer to bis native district, and even to the emplnyment to 
which he has been trained. Emiccration is the exception, not the rule; it is only for the com- 
paratively well otf — those who have somethinp: — not for the countless crowd of poor who live by 
their daily toil. Hence the supply of labor rem lins steady, while the demand — that is, the supply 
of capital — is readily reduced, and profits are easily increased at the expense of wages. 'I'hc same 
result is produced by other yet more inevitable causes; the very diminution of the returns of indus- 
try retanls the rate at which capital can accum\datc. Meantime population continues to increase 
at its former rate, and with it the supply of lalwr, for the fiill in wages, which must follow, can- 
not check the increase of population, except by pinching them with the want of sulisistrnce; but 
it is a slow and uncertain check, even in that way. It will have no such eflect where the popu- 
lation is content to live ujion an inferior kind of food — upon potatoes insteail of corn, as has Ix^n 
the case in Ireland, and even in the Eastern free f^tates. No people breed faster than the.se potatoe 
eaters. The necessary fall in wajes then goes on with accelerated velocity, as population outrun-- 
capital in its increase, and begins to press upon the means of subsistence The re.-ull is before i - 
in the starving laborers of Europe, when the wages of a week's labor, for 14 hours a day, are often 
only 36 cents a week ! In 1842, in Manchester, 2,000 families, 8, I3fi persons, were reduced 
to this standard of subsistence; and in other years their condition has been still worse ' V\ehave 
before alluded to the signs, that the North is not very far distant from this pressure of population 
upon the means of living, which she is obliged ultimately to reach, ^tatistics show a cradual but 
certain decline in the wages of labor in the older parts of the free Stales The (ie.stitution of the 
poor in the Ncifhern cities is annually increasing, and there has been a frightful -.'rowth of pau- 
perism. .Mr. Fislier says that, in Massachusetts — the model Slate I — it reaches 1 in 2(i In Eng- 
land it is but double, I in 10. Meat is no lon;:er the daily f<Hid of the Eastern laborer; and one 
of the answers from Maine to the Treasury circular in 184t says that an able bodied man cannot 
possibly support himself and his wife by agricultural labor I V\e have seen that the supply of 
food was already deficient in the Eastern States, and that in Ohio it had reached its maximum 
point; in other words, that every future increase would be attended with more than a proportional 
increa.se of co.st. Add to this the growing disposition of Northern population to desert agricul- 
tural employments, which must be parily due to their diminished returns, its tendency to concen- 
trate in towns and factories, its rapid rate of natural increase, and its stdl greater increase by emi- 
gration from abroad, and we can have no d,iubt that Northern laborers are increasing faster than 
Northern capital Hence a pressure upon the means of sub.sistence, and a still greater fall in 
wages cannot be far off. It would be heavy and instantaneous were the Union dissolved, for that 
event would, as we have shown, not only throw 20 millions of dollars of new taxes u|»)n the 
North, but would wittulraw lltl millions of capital, which now employs her lulvir. This Iom 
would fall chiefly, if not entirely, upon wages. The Northern capitalist would not submit to ■ 
decrea.sc of profit, but would send a part of his c ipital to the South, wheri; pr-tits were higher, 
until he had reduced wages at home to a point which would leave him nearly us much clear gnin 
on his industry as before. He would in this wiy escape the whole burden ol Uie new taxes, and 
throw it ujion labor. 

In fact, in all old cnmrnnnities, we find that the soils which had lieen most fertile when virion 
and fresh, are exhausted bv continual cultivation; and every year the want of foo«i forcest a re«<irt 
to lands which were at first rejected as too poor 'J'he returns of ugriruUure are therefore Bubject 
to a steady and natural decline, which cannot In- arrested except by the means of improTement, 
which modern science has discovered. The culiivalidn of the earth i.s rapidly nMuminp a new aiul 
scientific character; it is Uxoming almost a s|k'i ies of manufacturing iiiduslry. To l»' conducted 
to the best advantage, it will reipiire the ap|>li>iiiion of comparatively large capilak in draining, 
liming, i-ub-soilimr, and all the modern elements of «• hii^h funning " and it will demand the 
direction of sui)erior minds to control and organise the lalM>r, of which there inu«t W ■ cerium ind 
regular supply. This nceessify is already fill in Kngland. In the mo.lel county of Lincoln, the 
ditlerent operations of farming are let out by contract to .<r(J"i: ii,a»trr.i, who have numbcm of 
laborers, regularly enrolled, ready to underlakV any job that may Ih' ntVeretl Thei«'gani;» arr •cnt 
a considerable distance in wagons, and men, woin. ti, and children, wparaled from their home* and 
families, slw-p all huddled togetb<*r in barns, till the contract is compleleil. " When ■gncultur* 
thus pas.ses into the ni.inufacturiiig state," as M. I.eon Faneher, the late Mlni^l.•r of the Inlenor 
m France, says, " we must not be surpris.-d at the ciTeeU of the lrnn»f.Mm«tion in iho •or»Uude 
and demoralization of the laborers." Anv real and extensive improvement of agriculture in Fr»nc« 



24 

and the free States must be attended with similar consequences, for these requirements of scientific 
fanning cannot be met, with due regard to llie morals and comfort of the laborers, except in a 
slaveholding community. The slave feels all the wholesome influences of moral life, near his 
home, and beneath the guardian care of his master, while the owner can obtain all the efficiency 
of gang and factory organization, without any of its evils. Hence it is that the highest practical 
examples of agricultural science in the Union are to be found in the Southern States, despite all 
their burdens. We have seen what Mr. Solon Robinson says of the wheat culture in Mrginia, 
and recent authentic statements have proved that grain cro[is are nowhere raised with more profit 
than in tidewater Virginia, where the slaves are most numerous. There is no farming country 
north of Virginia which can compare witb the valley of the James river for skill, extensive enter- 
prise, and success. If we go further i?^outh, Mr. Skinner says, that the rice plantations of Caro- 
lina are amongst the best models of agriculture in the world. Mr. Fleischman* says that it would 
astonish many a Northern farmer to behold the vast canals of the sugar planters, and the immense 
steam engines at work in draining them — canals which, "if joined together, would well deserve 
the name of a great national work of iiitcnal im])ruvement, but executed without any assistance 
from the State." He "cannot describe his delight" at the perfection of the cultivation and the 
beauty of the residences which line 'he banks of the lower Mississippi. All this is the work of 
slavi; institutions, where circumstances have afforded some compen>-'ation for the burdens of the 
Federal Government. And the slaves themselves live in a state of comfort — we had almost said 
of hixury — superior to many a Northern farmer. The free States have none of these advantages; 
free labor is not capable of such an organization in agriculture, except by lowering its condition to 
the level of the degraded operatives of European factories; and capital cannot be employed to the 
greatest profit on minute farms, whose holders have neither courage to risk it, credit to command 
it, nor skill to a[)ply it 

The combination of such causes has ag£;ravateJ the war between labor and capital in the old 
countries, and especially in France, until it has brought about the late socialist uphea\ing of 
the very foundations of society. Hence we hear so much of "the right to labor," which 
means a right to better wages ; hence the war upon property, and law, and order, which threat- 
ens a worse than ^'andal overthrow of Euro[.'ean civilization. It is true that the remedy applied by 
the suflering laborer, increases the evil — that whatever weakens confidence in the right of property 
retards the increase of public wealth, and cuts off the very springs of that comfort and well-being 
which thi-y would use violence to share It is true, that, the lalwring class cannot hold the un- 
wonted power it may have seized ; that the triuni))h of today must be followed by the defeat of 
to-morrow, and that the February Saturnalia in the Tuilleries must be expiated by the June 
carnage in the streets. But when have the slaves of hunger ever listened to reason .'' The 
laboring poor cannot but remember the wan faces of their shivering wives, the piteous plaints 
of their children begging for bread, when they see the co.stly fur, the dainty food, and luxuries 
of the rich- Their city palaces, and country villas, their "pride that apes humility" in Gothic 
cottages, and model farms, but serve to make the garrets look more wretched, the fetid cellars 
darker and damper. Tne black mouldy loaf is worse than the crumbs which Lazarus may pick 
up at Dives' door. The stables, the very pigst\e of the lord of the loom, is l)etter than ibe 
hovel of his factory operative, who, like the prodigal son, would fain fill his belly with the 
husks of his lord's swine, but, unlike that son, there is no father to array him in pur}ile and fine 
linen, and Mil for him the fatted calf; he must toil fur his bread by incessant labor, for 12 or 
i-1 hours a day, and when strength and youth are wasted, and he is weak and weary with sick- 
ness and premature old age, he is cast fi>rth upon the cold charity of an almshouse. N\ hen the 
poor man sees all this, and thinks that his hands have worked to build up the wealth and luxury 
which the rich exclusively e^ joy, tan we wonder that the thought eats into his heart, and goads 
him on to deeds of madness and violence ' So has it been in Europe, and what security have 
the free States that the same inexorable fatality will not overtake them ? The South has the 
guarantee of negro slavery ; capitalist and laborer, master and slave, are indissolubly united in 
interest ; even if the owner cannot profilably employ and support the laborer, his interest prompts 
him to transfer him by sale to those who can. In the South, society is divided into masters and 
slaves ; at the North, into rich and poor ; and vvlia' sh;dl protect her pco))le from the social war, 
which that division has begotten in the iiistory of every similar coimnunity } The dark cloud 
lowers upon their horizon ; its low mutterings arc already heanl. Every year a larger number is 
supported by the alms ot the States ; the criminal statistics show a frightful increase of crime, 
especially in offences a'^ainnf property ; the right to gratuitous education by the forced taxes of 
the property holder is already a part of the public law, and societies are formed to establish a 
similar right to an equal division of lands. They declare that the earth is the gift of God for 
the common use — that no one has a right to monopolise it for himself and his posterity — and 
that every man has a natural claim to an equal share m its cnjoyiuent. The next step is to 



•Pat«nl OtEce R«i)orl, 1848. 



I 



25 

deny the right to transmit any kind of property by will, or by inheritance, and to force a gene- 
ral re-division in every generation, if not an entire community of ownership. These societies 
are numerous; they hold Nitionul Conventions, VinA have organs, avowed and secret, in the 
newspaper press. Long leases are distrusted at the North, for there is danger that the tenants 
will refuse to surrender at their close. \\'hok' counties have united in refusing to pay rents, 
which were justl}' due, and the oflicers of the law, while in the execution of its mandates, have 
been di'liberately murdered. And the.se violators of the rights of property and life, of the laws 
of God and man, had strength enough to elect a Governor, whom they could force to pardon 
the convicted murderers ! So strong is the agrarian spirit, that so eminent a man as Mr. Web- 
ster is forced to conciliate it by proposing in solemn Senate to confiscate the public lands, by giv- 
ing a quarter section to every free white male, native and foreisn, who may choose to enter upon 
them. To meet all these dangers the free States have no security out of the Union ; once left to 
themselves, their perils would increase ten fold. For it is essential to the public welfare, to the 
laborers and the poor themselves, that Government should be able to protect all the rights of pro- 
perty- Xo matter what the sufferings of the laboring class, they would be doubled and tripled 
by the insecurity of private rights. In England, this ability in Government has been preserved 
by a highly aristocratic constitution, both social and political ; but in France, the tide has swept 
away Government after Government, like the waves of the .sea ; one dictatorship has followed 
another, now an Emperor, now a King, now the bonr^cois capitalists, and now mere numbers, 
all equally unstable. And all this despite the fact that France has been, under all dynasties since 
the first Revolution, eminently democratic in her civil laws. The re.ison is not hard to discover. 
At the bottom of all f>ench politics, and the same applies with equal truth to the free States of 
the North, lies the idea that might nuike^ ?-igIit : in otlier words, that a majority of mere mem- 
bers has a natural, indefeasible, and absolute right to govern the minority. No matter about the 
injustice and oj^jpression of the rule, the minority has no remedy, short of civil war. This theory 
acknowledges what it calls the right of revolution in extreme cases ; but that right can only be es- 
tablished and legitimated by the success which [irovcs the minority to be the strongest party, and 
tlius converts them into a majority ,- which brings us back to the starting place, tiial tnifr/it makes 
rigid All the free States, like France, are organized upon this jirinciple of a majority's un- 
limited right to rule ; their idea of a perfect State is a highly ceiitralived, consolidated Govern- 
ment, where the will of the greater number may be expressed and executed with the preatest 
rapidity and certaintj'. Such a Government does not confine itself to the external relations of 
the State, and the protection of life and property at home ; but it invades the interior of the 
family ; it destroys the unity of married life by creatine separate interests hi the parties ; it robs 
parents of the education of their children, so as to destioy individuality of character, and train 
and prune them to the same moral and mental stature. The inajoiity ot numbers is more power- 
ful than the Czar, because it is hseU pht/sical ini^ht ; it is more grinding in its tyranny, Iwcause 
it has less feeling of personal responsibility, and its Argus eyes can search every corner of the 
country ; its infallibility is less open to attack than the Pope's, because it is, iliielf, public opin- 
ion. Like other despots, it never hears the trutli ; its ears are trained to feed upon a fulsome llattery ; 
and throngs of fawning courtiers are ready to call its unbridled passions, greatness, and it^ la- 
vish expenditure of the taxes, wrung from the minority, goodness. The love of true lilH«rty, and 
manly indepcndendence of thought cannot flourish in such a community ; the grwdiness of of- 
fice, and the love of power, take their place ; there is an eager courting of popular liivor, a feverish 
fear (tf dilfcring in opinion from the majority, a making haste to leave the few, and join the many- 
Hence the politicians of the free States have always been wanting in the comprehensive views 
necessary to found Governments or parties, and in the moral courage, the energy, and admin- 
istrative talent requisite to conduct them witii success. This is acknowledged by Theodore 
Parker, one of the best writers of New Engliuul, in his discourse on the death »>f John Quiiicy 
Adams, and he attributed the sujieriority of Southern statesmen in this rcsjiecl to llieir sliivo 
in.stitutions. These accustom them early to deal with men, and they learn to act "as those 
having authority ; the managemtnt of the little commonwealth of the |>!untotion is an excellent 
training for the administration of a larger State Hence it is that the North has always had to 
look to the Souih for Generals and Presidents. No one will deny that this, like all ir«-neral iule«, 
has had brilliant exccfitions, cspeeially in military life, where the nature of the callini;, and tho 
tenure of the office begets more indeijcndemc of character. Hut the North has nevei pio- 
duced a statesman, who has durably stamped the impress of bis mind upon the leKijJntion of the 
country, and made his thought, the thouutht of his own generation, and of posterity. Tliert' in no 
prrat measure of public policy which was oricinalod by a Northern lawuiver. .Not even such 
men as Adams, or of Webster, have been able to associate their names with the u»itbor>hip or 
development of any far-reaching, alii.ling acts of leqi.slati..ii The union of wis.loni, in tlie hnih- 
est scripture sense, with moral and phy.>iical boldness, with lirmne.ss and prudence, which made 
Washington the leader of our Kevolutionar)- arin'rs, and the nppropiiute uuardmn of our infant 
federatiMi. was eminently characteristic of the Southerner and the slaveholder ; it was ihtihgrte 



26 

only, not the kind, that was miraculous. Such wcic the chief leaders of the Convention, the 
men to whose suj^gestion the Consitution owes its essential features — Madison and Mason, 
Kaiidolph and Pinkticy> all of the South. The founders of the two great parties were neither 
from the North ; Hamilton was a West Indian, and Ji'tfersoii, who breathed his soul into the 
RupuMican party, and ATadis.jn, who gave it a shape, were both Virginians. In the war of 1 8 ' 2, 
two Virginians, t^cott and Harrison, drove back our foes in the North, while a ("arnlinian led the 
Southern rifles to victory at New Orleans. All the great measures which have agitated the pre- 
sent generation, the Bank, and the Independent Treasury, the Internal Improvement sys'em, the 
American system, and free trade, have been brought forth or shaped by the minds of a Calhoun 
or a Clay, or carrictl into practice by the iron will of a Jackson. 'I'he only Northern Presidents 
we have ever tried have been failures. The elder Adams, who came into power on the popular- 
ity of Washington, in two years broke down, and every vestige of his administration vva> swept 
away by the popular voice. His son fared no belter, and V^an Buren, who mistook cunning for 
wisdom, was a politician instead of a statesman, 'i'he prestige of Jackson's favor could elect 
him, but nothing could save him after a single trial. 

Whatever of greatness our country has attained has been chiefly due to the administrative talent 
of Southern men, and above all to the Southern vote, which, while it was yet strong enough to 
be heard, restrained the disposition of the North to convert this Federal Union into a grand con- 
solidated State, on the French model, where the numerical majority might have absolute sway. If 
the free States were to form a separate confederacy, it would soon assume this character. The 
measures which, as a section, they have advocated in the present Union, all have that tendency. 
The forms of their State governments — their political theories — all conspire to make such a result 
certain. The small States would be deprived of their equal vote in the Senate, and speedily ab- 
sorbed by their more powerful neighbors. All the proper work of the several State Legislatures, 
as well as of private enterprise, would be thrown on the central government; the States would be- 
come mere provinces, and Congress a National Assembly. In such a State, there would be no 
safety for property. The number of those who want property is always greater than that of those 
who have it — the poor more numerous than the rich; and they will certainly use their acknow- 
ledged sovereign right, as a ruajority, to gratify that want, and take what they please. The 
Northern plan of meeting this danger has always been to create a strong moneyed interest by cla.ss 
legislation, by large Government expenditures, and by patronage. Northern statestiien know 
that the aristocracy of birth is impossible; they hope to substitute the aristocracy of money by 
means of the funding and paper system, and by the yet more potent umpire of the manufacturing 
system. In other words, the plan is to sovern the masses by the power of money and corruption. 
The evil day may be thus delayed, but the remedy increases the inequality of fortunes and the 
difliculties of the laboring poor. Their sufferings are aggravated and their character degraded; 
and when the outbreak comes — as come it ultimately must, with the accumtdated force of pent up 
waters — it is the outbreak, not of men, but of demons. Franc* is the living and unhappy proof 
of all our reasonings. The reaction against the tyranny of the numerical majority, as public 
opinion, produces the multitude of " false doctrines, heresies, and schisms, " the growing infidelity, 
the Grahamites and Fourierites, the Mormnnism and Millerism, and all those wild vagaries of 
fanaticism, to which the people of the free States are so prone, hut which cannot live beneath our 
Southern sun. The reaction against the tyranny of the numerical majority, as government, 
begets the proclivity to mobs and tumults, the inataliility of all constitutions and laws, which we 
see manifesting itself in the free States. The only rebellion ever known in the United States 
against the exercise of undisputed constitutional authority was in Pennsylvania. In Rhude 
Island, the Dorrites would have waged civil war, if their leader's courage had not fiiled him at 
the crisis, not for any great principle, hut merely to determine, by a trial of actual physical 
force — a most rational and logical test — which party was the sovereign numerical majority. 
Federal authority hati to lie invoked; when has a Southern State ever had to call in foreign aid to 
settle her domestic dillkulties ' The Legislature at Harrisburj; had to he brought to order by a 
military force; and the Senate of Ohio, after one or two hundred hallotings, lately elected a 
Speaker, who has since been forced to resign for bargain and corruption; the State was near being 
thrown into a state of anarchy last year by the inability of the Legislature to determine who were 
its members! In the chief cities, mobs dispute the right of private citizens to consult their own 
taste in a play actor; they set fire to convents of helpless females, and they tear down the house 
of GoJ because it shelters the wretched emigrant from their brutal fury. And yet when a citizen 
soldier ha-^ the nerve to fire upon them and vindicate the majesty of the law — an example of moral 
courage, alas I too seldom found at the North — instead of receiving the thanks of the whole com- 
munity, his house is the mark of the midnight incendiary, and all the avenues of public honors are 
forever closed to his approach. 

From all these dangers the conservative influence of the South has hitherto preserved the free 
States. Her tributes of slave-grown wealth have kept up the wagesof their labor and the profits of 
their cap tal — has delayed the war bettwecn rich and poor, and soothed the deep-seaj^d sore — 



eatoi 



27 

the iinmedicahile vuhms — in their social organiia'ion, which notliing cnn heal. So jon^'' as the 
free States suflt-r the Union to endure, so long will the South continue her good ofllccs; «o Ion:; 
will she bo ready to extend her aid, through the P\-iler«l authority, to restrain her I)orriU>« and 
her socialists, her anti renters and her mobs. For the conservative character of the I'nion 
rests upon the slavehoKlin!; States. With them, a verj- diflcrent idea of govcriwuent prevails. 
They believe that the sovereignty rests with the people, not collectively, but individually. 
As the Union is a federation of sovereign ^ta(es, with her several reserved rights, so in tlnjir 
eyes is each Stale a federation of sovereiiin individuals, (or families if you will,) with their 
reserved lights. In their belief there are institutions and rights, derived through the laws of nature, 
from God alone, which are independent of, and prior to, all government. Such are the relations 
of parent and child, of hu.sbaiid and wife, of ma.ster and slave, and the right to property, which all 
go to make up the great corner-stone of the social edifice — the family. To preserve these in.-'titu- 
tions in all their inciilents, and all their derivative rights, is the chief dutv of govcrnnieni, which 
it cannot fulfil without such an organization as will give a full and fur voice to every interest and 
every class, and confer upon each a veto upon the assaults of the others, so that legislat on shall 
pot he the voice of mere numbers, but a compromise between the majority and the minority — not 
merely the will of the greater number, but the resultant of the wills of all. 5^uch a government 
rests its auth 'lity. not upon force, but upon the universal consent ; there is no desp itic public 
opinion to stifle freedom of thought; no Kinu Numbers to flatter; no rapacious majority can use 
the forms of law to gratify its ravenings for plunder, but every class has to consult the interests of 
others, without whom it cannot act, as well as it-i own; ami the people are traine<l up to the 
statesmanlike practice of government in the spirit of union and harmony. The body politic be- 
comes instinct with life and healthy vii;or. Public opinion works in its true calling. a.s the mode- 
rator, not the silencer of individual differences. P'or such an organi/.ati.-.n, the Southern StiUcs 
have peculiar and well nigh indispensable advantages in their slave institutions, win h forever 
obliterate the division between labor and capital. 'J'he devotion of so large a portion of their sur- 
face to cotton, sugar, and tobacco, places, at an almost infinite distance, the day when pijjuiation 
will press upon the supply of food, for while the increase of its numbers is in proportion only to 
the relaiively small area that produces grain, the otiier lands furnish an inexhaustible resource to 
fall back upon in case of an insutficiency of that production. 

V\ hen we regard the powerful position in the world which the command of the great staple of 
cotton confers upon the slave States, their numerous natural advantages in climate and produc- 
tions, their situation midway in the new hemisphere, holding the outlets of Northern commerce, 
and the approaches to South America and the Pacilir, through the Gulf, we cannot forbear think- 
ing that they are destined to play a first part in the history of the world, and ciscerning the fin- 
ger of God in their stability, while thrones and democracies are tottering around them. Divine 
Providence, for its own high and inscrutable purposes, has rescued more than three millions of 
human beings from the hardships of a savage state, and placed them in a condition of greater 
comfort than any other laboring class in the world ; it has delivered them from the barbarous 
idolatries of Africa, and brought them within the blessings covenanted to believers in Christ. At 
the same time it has provided the whites of the Aiiijlo-Norman race in the Southern St.iles with 
the necessary means of unexampled prosperity, with that slave labor, without which, as a gene- 
ral rule, no colonization in a new country ever has or ever will thrive and grow ru|)idly ; it has 
given them a distinct and inferior race to fill a position eijual to their highest capacity, which, in 
less fortunate countries, is occupied by the whites themselves. A large class — often the largest 
class — living from day to day by the daily labor of their hands, exists, and must exist, in evi-ry 
country, and it is impossible, as a general thing, lor the persons of that class to have time, or 
even inclination, for mui-h mental improvement. The force of j>eculiar uenius may raise one in 
ten thousand to a higher place in soeiety, but such cases become more and more inl'requenl as 
wages diminish with the proi'res.s of |)opulation, and the care of providing I'ikhI grows nion* en- 
grossing. The whole (luestion, therefore, resolves itself into this : Shall the laUiring class be of 
an inferior race, so controlled and directed by the superior minds of the whites, us continually to 
progress in material and moral well being, far beyond any point it bus ever shown a (.>ower of ot- 
taining in feeedom ' — or shall that laboring class be of whites and eijuuls, capable of Ixs-ominR 
•'gods, as one of us," and yet condemned to a sl.>w, but sure, increjuse of want and poverty — 
the slaves of society instead of individuals — isolated from Iheir employers by the invisible, but im- 
passable, barriers of custom, aliens from their hearts, and utterly se|>arate«l in maiiiirrs, intorm.»- 
tion, opinions, and tastes ' Between the Southern master and his slave lliere is o tillow feeling 
in sorrows and joys, a mutual dependence and all'ection, which c.dls into play nil the finer loci- 
ings of man's nature. What of all this is there between the Northern capitalist and hi.i day la- 
borer. They have not known each other from iiif.iiicy, nor been |)artneni ihrou^h roo*! and 
through ill fortune. I'erhaps the tide of emigration brought them together yr«tt rday. and will 
hurry them apart to morrow, 'I'he laborer does not look to his employer «» his natural protwtor 
against the injustice of the powerful, or as his refuge in sickness or in old age He mu»l find 



^ 



28 

th;it in the almshouse. If the laborer is a f*tory operative— perhaps a girl, or even a child, for 
in mnnufacturing socieiies the chilJren of the poor never know the plays or freedom of child- 
liood— he is regarded as but a part of the loom he attends to. Factory labor becomes more and 
more divided, the cmploymcnls more and more monotonous, with each improvement in machine- 
ry. There is none of that variety of occupation, and those frequent calls upon the discretion 
and intelligence of the laborer, wllich make the work on a plantation in the South at once the 
most improvinir, the healthiest, and the most delightful species of manual lal'or The factory 
operative, on t?ie contrary, is chained to some single minute employment, which must be repeat- 
ed thou-ands of times without the leart variation. Nothing worse for intellect can be imagined. 
Idiocv and insanitv multiply under tiicir influences. In 1840, while the proportion of idiots 
and insane, to the whole population, was only 1 in 1,100 in the slave States, it was 1 in 900 in 
all the free Slates, and as much as 1 in G'M\ in New England alone. The efl'ects of factory Hfe 
on health are quite as bad. The cotton factories, the dyeing and bleaching factories are hot- 
beds of consumption and disease of the lungs. At Sheffield, a dry-grin(hr, no matter how vi- 
gorous his constitution, is never known to live beyond the fated age of thirty-five. In Ma^sa- 
chusetts, according to her own statistics, factories shorten the life of the operative one-third ! 
According to the evidence l)efore the commhtee of the House of Commons, it has tiken Imt thir- 
ty two y °ars to change the operatives of Manchester from a race more vigorous than those of 
New England now are— a well fed, well clothed, moral population— into demoralized, enerva- 
ted, feeble beings. As one of the witnesses says, " their life has been passed in turning the 
mule-jenny ; their minds have weakened and withered like a tree." How many years will it 
require to produce these effects in the North, when the span of man's life is already so much 
shortened ^ The very severity of the labor undermines the constitution. What wears out the 
human body is not the greatness of any exertion, but its duration. But the spinner has to 
move silently from one machine to another for twelve or fourteen hours a day, the attention never 
to flag, the muscles never to rest. It has been calculated that the factory girl walks in this way 
twenty miles a 'lay ! The system is e(iually pernicious for ihe morals. We always find, first, 
illegitimate births, and then pro.stitution, as well as drunkenness and crime, increase in great 
manufacturing districts How shouUl it be otherwise, when the family is broken uj) and the 
factory boardilig house substituted in its place ; when children and girls are sejjarated from their 
parents at the most critical period of life, crowded in heated work rooms with a promiscuous herd 
of strangers, and lost to all the conservative influences of home? In what regard is such a con- 
dition of labor superior to i^outhern slavery ? Let the free States begin within their own bor- 
ders ; let them place their white slaves in as good a condition, moral and physical, as the ne- 
groes, and then they may talk to us. The increasing hosts who live by toil in factories, the pau- 
pers who belong to the State, and the still greater number who drag out a wretched existence^ in 
the crowded haunts cf want and vice in their great cities, form more than an offset to anything 
that can be said of negro slavery. We have no patience with this meddling- jihilanthropy, which 
does not take the beam out of its own eye before it pulls the mote out of its brother's, at the im- 
minent risk of his eyesight ; whose charity is all for show, and never grows warm except for ob- 
jects at a distance : which overlooks want and misery at its own gate, in its eagerness to reform 
countries it has never seen, and institutions it cannot understand. It is the crying vice of our age; 
this desire to attend to every body's business but our own, to perform any duties but those that 
lie immediately before us. Instead of making the most of our opportunities, we waste our time 
in vain wishes that the opportunities were greater. The great duty is to im|)rove to the utmost 
of our abilities the condition in which it has pleased God to place us, and therewith to be content. 
But this does not suit the ideas of our Northern brethren. They must make anew all the work of 
creation. Divine Providence instituted the relation of master and slave; but it is offensive to their 
finer notions of justice, and inconsistent with that cardinal priiicii)le, •' that all men are created 
equal." Therefore they pronounce it "infamou-s" and " a crime against humanity;" and it 
must be aboli.shed, either directly or indirectly, " by preventing its extension, localizing and dis- 
couraging it.'" The high civilization that accompanies it, all its advantages to both parties must 
l)e sacrificed, and both thrown upon the evils of a future that is present in St. Domingo and Ja- 
maica. God instituted marriage; he decreed "that man and woman should be one flesh, and 
that the man should be lord over the \<'oman." But our Nonhern philanthropists have discovered 
that this is all wrong; " all men were created equal," therefore the woman shall vote, as in .New 
Jersey; she shall no longer be one with the man, nor shall he be her lord The wise old com- 
mon law carried out into practice the Divine in.'^titution, and produced the finest race of matrons 
and of maidens the world has ever seen; but the Northern lawgivers prefer the law which was 
the offspring of the corruptions of heathen and imperial Home; they divide the household into 
separate interests; the dome-'tic hearth is no longer a common j)ropeity to the fau;ily. The con- 
sequences are what they were in Rome— what they arc in Italy and (Germany and in France, 
where tbe illegitimate births are 1 in 1 5 The sanctity of marriage is gone; it beconu-s in practice 
as in theory of law, a mere civil tie. The touching promise to cleave together "for better, for 



29 

vorsc, for richer, for poorer, in sickness nml in honlth, to love and to chr rish, till death do ti5 
part," is wholly forgotten. Divorces multiply, till the dockets of the courts ore so rrowded with 
applications for them, as was the case in Hamilton county, Ohio, last year, that all other husiness 
is impelled. G.'d created the relation of parent and child — the child to honi'r and the parent to 
educate and train Up in the way he should go; hut it has been determined in the North that the 
^tate is the best 'guardian of thechilil, and some of the fanatics there contend that, upon the same 
principles of ecjuality, the relation is altoqeiher olisoh-te. Certainly the deserration of inarriagc 
ties is the best way to imderminc it, and assimilate their country to the great French model, where 
1 person in 'i'Z is a fouiulling, and has no parent hnt the State — where there are one million of 
human beings who have never known n father or mother, brethren or kindred! This must be the 
beau ideal ot socialist philanthropy. Yet there is one of the Divine ordinances to which the North- 
ern capitalists would fain holdfast, and that is— the rii^ht to property. But yourtrue jihilanthropist 
is a relentless logician, and after destroying all family tie.s, he will not spare what istlirir less vnlus 
able offspring. " AH men arc created equal," he says, and equal rights to all the goods of this life 
make a part of this natural equality. Man brings nothing into this world, and he can carry 
nothing out. .\way with wills and inheritances, of that to which there is no natural right, which 
wc did not hold belore our birth, and cannot enjoy after our death. He would proi-laim a year 
of jubilee every generation — a wiping out of old scores — all pr iperty thrown into a hotch-potch, 
and a ceneral re division, to conf )rm to man's natural equahly. Hut perhaf)s when these Free 
State philanthropists have rclurnied the work of God, and corrected what diey consider the fool- 
ishness of Providence, they may find that a yet greater evil is left untouched — the presumptuous 
sinfulness of their own hearts. 

'J'he South indulges in no such follies. She understands her condition and her duties; she 
means to employ all the talents God has given her in improving the for.ncr, and in fulfilling the 
latter. She is satisfied with her institutions, and slie desires no change. She only asks to t>e 
allowed in peace to work out all the good of whicli they arc capable, and to achieve the hii;h des- 
tiny which lies before her. But to this end, she must have guaranties of present and future 
equality of political power, so as to protect her interests, and above all maintain her rights ard her 
honor. To lose these would be to lose her self respect, to be false to her old reno.vn. to abandon 
her lofty calling, ami the future of glory to which it leads If the North \»i3hcs to disi^olvc tlie 
Union, let her persist in aggressions which fulfil no holy purpose, and minister no subst.intial 
gratification to selfishness. But if she really deems it invaluable for the tide of Soiithrrn wealth 
it pours into her lap, and the conserrative influence it wields over her elements of social discord, 
let her pause before it be too late. The South lo es the equal Union of our forefathers for its 
historic as.sociations, and the world-wide glory of its .^t irs and stripes. But she will not tamely 
submit to sec her stars chanced into satellites. She wishes to preserve the Union; but in any event, 
come weal, come woe, her course is fi.ved. She has ca-t the die — she has past the Ruliicon, and 
no power may stay her onward march to EaCALiTT or iNiisrEMi'ENCK. 



30 



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